In 1967 Rudi Dutschke the German left-wing student intellectual formulated the "long march through the institutions" theory, which suggested revolutionaries could take professional and state professions and change the capitalist system from within. Dutscke’s theory failed to countenance the opposite outcome, as former revolutionaries more often than not would be shaped by the system, strengthening rather than overcoming the institutions they opposed.
Nationalists in the North of Ireland have engaged in their own march through the institutions following the Belfast Agreement 23 years ago, though with the less than lofty aspiration of getting their share of the crumbs from the table of imperialism. Nowhere has this engagement been more controversial than the acceptance and support of the repackaged RUC as the PSNI.
The main constitutional forces of nationalism; Sinn Fein and the SDLP, have for over a decade given almost uncritical support to the PSNI which was forged from a force that was to all intents and purposes a colonial, counterinsurgency sectarian militia, almost exclusively drawn from the unionist population. This nationalist support has increased Catholic representation in the PSNI to 30%, members largely from the new nationalist middle-class ascendancy.
This significant minority has been happy to engage fully in the role as the first line of defence for British interests in Ireland and as such is still viewed with suspicion and open hostility in working-class Republican districts. The fallout from the Ormeau bookmakers’ massacre commemoration this week has gone to the heart of nationalism's unconditional support for the PSNI. The all too familiar sectarian approach to policing, that was standard practice in the 1990s, is now no longer acceptable to a nationalist bourgeois that has invested heavily in state institutions like the PSNI and in a week where Loyalists seemed to march around Belfast unimpeded. The arrest of Mark Sykes, a survivor of a sectarian murder gang whilst laying flowers was the hook on which ‘civic’ nationalism hung its hat to protest and protect its material interests.
Nationalist Crown Force personnel are quite happy to engage in class oppression of working-class Catholics and Protestants, they are however averse to toeing the line when the PSNI's RUC leadership pursue a unionist agenda, The Irish News reported “seismic discontent” among nationalist PSNI personnel over the Sean Graham massacre memorial blunder, devoting much ink over several days to the crisis. But far worse has happened in recent years in policing without eliciting the wrath of the nationalist bourgeois. Is it a coincidence this wrath comes hot on the heels of the DUP's departmental interference in border and customs arrangements post Brexit?
Nationalists in the North of Ireland have engaged in their own march through the institutions following the Belfast Agreement 23 years ago, though with the less than lofty aspiration of getting their share of the crumbs from the table of imperialism. Nowhere has this engagement been more controversial than the acceptance and support of the repackaged RUC as the PSNI.
The main constitutional forces of nationalism; Sinn Fein and the SDLP, have for over a decade given almost uncritical support to the PSNI which was forged from a force that was to all intents and purposes a colonial, counterinsurgency sectarian militia, almost exclusively drawn from the unionist population. This nationalist support has increased Catholic representation in the PSNI to 30%, members largely from the new nationalist middle-class ascendancy.
This significant minority has been happy to engage fully in the role as the first line of defence for British interests in Ireland and as such is still viewed with suspicion and open hostility in working-class Republican districts. The fallout from the Ormeau bookmakers’ massacre commemoration this week has gone to the heart of nationalism's unconditional support for the PSNI. The all too familiar sectarian approach to policing, that was standard practice in the 1990s, is now no longer acceptable to a nationalist bourgeois that has invested heavily in state institutions like the PSNI and in a week where Loyalists seemed to march around Belfast unimpeded. The arrest of Mark Sykes, a survivor of a sectarian murder gang whilst laying flowers was the hook on which ‘civic’ nationalism hung its hat to protest and protect its material interests.
Nationalist Crown Force personnel are quite happy to engage in class oppression of working-class Catholics and Protestants, they are however averse to toeing the line when the PSNI's RUC leadership pursue a unionist agenda, The Irish News reported “seismic discontent” among nationalist PSNI personnel over the Sean Graham massacre memorial blunder, devoting much ink over several days to the crisis. But far worse has happened in recent years in policing without eliciting the wrath of the nationalist bourgeois. Is it a coincidence this wrath comes hot on the heels of the DUP's departmental interference in border and customs arrangements post Brexit?
As in broader society, there are now two divergent national interests within the PSNI. British Chief Constable Simon Byrne moved quickly to try and appease nationalist sentiment by apologising and suspending the personnel responsible for the Ormeau debacle, indicating the gravity of the crisis of confidence the PSNI is currently facing among nationalists.
Meanwhile, nationalism is on the rise, Brexit has brought economic unity with Dublin and the EU, creating a sea border with Britain. Many expect the 2021 census to confirm a Catholic majority in the North. Talk of a border poll in the near future is rife. And while the DUP attempt to find a way out of a Brexit disaster they helped fashion, nationalism is attempting to exert its influence on institutions traditionally hostile to its cause.
Meanwhile, nationalism is on the rise, Brexit has brought economic unity with Dublin and the EU, creating a sea border with Britain. Many expect the 2021 census to confirm a Catholic majority in the North. Talk of a border poll in the near future is rife. And while the DUP attempt to find a way out of a Brexit disaster they helped fashion, nationalism is attempting to exert its influence on institutions traditionally hostile to its cause.
Unfortunately for nationalism these institutions serve only the British.
In solidarity.
In solidarity.
⏩ Packy Carty is an East Tyrone Socialist Republican.
The poor officers don't feel supported:
ReplyDeletehttps://www.belfastlive.co.uk/news/police-clash-chief-constable-over-19822399
Mostly a case of follow the money ............. "former revolutionaries more often than not would be shaped by the system, strengthening rather than overcoming the institutions they opposed."
ReplyDeleteGood to have this critique on TPQ. The type of sentiment expressed in it often comes over as a rant. Packy avoids that quite well.
ReplyDeleteRudi Dutschke, who later died for his efforts, probably made the point about a long march through the institutions because of the nature of Western societies and their resilience to the type of subversion posed by people who term themselves revolutionaries. A year before Paris 68, and subsequent failed revolutionary warfare in Italy, Spain, Germany and Italy - not to mention Latin America - his view probably later drew sustenance as a result of such failures.
And if the Dutschke logic is wrong, then there seems little prospect for any progress. The one rule of thumb of revolutions is that revolutionaries, if they survive long enough, will shaft the revolution. The three Rs that invite the Big R of resiling from are Reverends, Racists and Revolutionaries.
Packy alludes to SF strategy as being a march through the institutions in the sense that Dutschke meant it and thus explains the failure of the Dutschke strategy as being evidenced in SF.
I think this is mistaken. SF had no intention of marching through institutions but of parking themselves within institutions on plush chairs. SF strategy was always moulded to suit the political careers of its leading figures not to radicalise society.
That does not mean that Packy is wrong to identify the limitations of Dutschke, rather that SF is perhaps not the best case study for it.
I seriously doubt that there is seismic discontent among nationalists in the PSNI. I think you will find more discontent within PSNI ranks that their colleagues are being disciplined for what happened in the Lower Ormeau. I suspect there is no substance to the report of seismic discontent. If nationalists within the PSNI were capable of seismic discontent, they arguably would not be in the PSNI in the first place.
The observation by Laurent Fabrius some years back which chimes with Dutschke - reformist in action, revolutionary in ambition - might not have been meant or might have been sneered at when said, is still the challenge for those who want radical change in Ireland.
And in modern societies where policing is regarded as a vital democratic function, the PSNI will be around for some time to come, in no small part due to SF support and the marginalisation - whether self or state imposed - of republican critics.
Thoughtful piece Packy. Keep floating your ideas. Thanks for throwing it the way of TPQ.