Every year on 1 February, World Hijab Day invites women, primarily those whose refusal carries no consequence, to wear a hijab for a day. This invitation is framed as empathy: an opportunity to understand and affirm tolerance. In fact, though, World Hijab Day is part of a political project to repackage an instrument of coercion into a symbol of ‘choice.’ The language of choice is only for those who comply. Removing the hijab is never a ‘choice.’ This is not solidarity. It is whitewashing. Celebrating the hijab while severing it from the system that produces it performs a political service not for women but for those in power. It sanitises women’s subordination.
The hijab does not exist in a vacuum. It is embedded in power, history and enforcement. It is part of a system of governance over women operating through the Islamic state, law, family, community, fear, shame, belief and modesty culture. In the diaspora, control continues as the state outsources discipline to community and religious leaders.
The hijab is one expression of a much older project to keep women in their place. It trains women to absorb responsibility for the social order through their own bodies. Societies depend on women for reproduction, care, labour and social continuity. Restricting women’s autonomy maintains the social hierarchy.
From early childhood, girls are trained to monitor themselves with their hijab. Fear is internalised as conscience. Obedience is internalised as morality. With internalised shame, enforcement becomes largely unnecessary. Women and girls learn to disappear. They police one another. Domination becomes self-sustaining. Many even come to believe in the moral necessity of the hijab. This is not delusion in a simplistic sense. It is survival. Fear precedes belief. Belief soothes fear. Over time, belief feels authentic. Nevertheless, belief formed under threat does not negate coercion.
Hidden behind the language of modesty and choice, enforcement secures ownership. Across patriarchal systems, predating capitalism and surviving regime changes, women’s sexuality is not merely controlled; it is socially and politically claimed by fathers, husbands, religions, nations and states. The hijab is one marker to say that a woman is already owned, already regulated, already spoken for. The language of ‘choice’ diverts attention from ownership and punishment, aims to isolate dissenters as aberrations and transforms structural coercion into individual preference.
The far-right also treats women’s bodies as public terrain to be governed in the service of social order. Their dispute with the Islamists is not over whether women should be controlled, but over who controls them. Women are valued not as autonomous subjects but for what their bodies produce and represent for the nation, Christianity, the family and the ‘white race.’ This is why far-right movements fixate on birth rates, motherhood and sexual conduct and why women’s refusal is framed as moral decay or social collapse. As with Islamism, women’s autonomy is treated as a threat and dissent is disciplined through shame, exclusion and violence.
This is why women who transgress their assigned role are treated as existential threats. It is a woman reclaiming what patriarchy denies her.
Much of today’s discourse around the hijab focuses on individual testimonials without any structural analysis. The main political question is why women and girls are punished for refusing to wear the hijab.
Putting the hijab on men like last year’s Ex-Muslims International campaign, or burning the hijab in solidarity with the women of Iran are refusals to reframe an instrument of domination into a harmless piece of clothing. It says the hijab is enforced. It is punished. It is defended with violence. It says that compliance and submission are not the same as consent.
It is important to add: criticising the veil as a system of control is not an attack on women who wear it, any more than condemning female genital mutilation is an attack on women who have been mutilated. No-one serious confuses the victim of a practice with the practice itself.
Moreover, to claim that structural criticism amounts to ‘shaming’ is to shift responsibility away from religion, the clerics and the state and onto those with the least power. It demands silence from dissenting women while granting immunity to the systems that police them.
World Hijab Day functions as ideological cover, whereas No Hijab Day functions as disruption. World Hijab Day depends on women’s compliance and the political alchemy that reframes coercion into choice. No Hijab Day depends on women’s collective refusal and resistance. And as the saying goes, it is disobedient women who make history.
Moreover, to claim that structural criticism amounts to ‘shaming’ is to shift responsibility away from religion, the clerics and the state and onto those with the least power. It demands silence from dissenting women while granting immunity to the systems that police them.
World Hijab Day functions as ideological cover, whereas No Hijab Day functions as disruption. World Hijab Day depends on women’s compliance and the political alchemy that reframes coercion into choice. No Hijab Day depends on women’s collective refusal and resistance. And as the saying goes, it is disobedient women who make history.
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| Maryam Namazie is a is a British-Iranian secularist, communist and human rights activist, commentator, and broadcaster. |
In this week’s bulletin
⬤ Russia now attacking Ukrainian hotels.
⬤ violation of religious rights in Crimea.
⬤ Russia’s oil and gas trade with Europe.
⬤ How North Korea armed Russia.
⬤ Students forced and tricked into fighting for Russia.
News from the territories occupied by Russia
The Face of Resistance: The Story of Crimean Tatar Activist Ayder Saledinov (Crimea Platform, March 20th)
Russia’s FSB concocts charges two years after abducting Elvira Abliazova and holding her in total isolation (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, March 20th)
Polish court allows extradition of Russian archaeologist to Ukraine over crimes in occupied Crimea (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, March 19th)
Russia sentences Kherson oblast woman to 10 years just after UN Commission blasts such ‘predetermined verdicts' (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, March 17th)
Weekly update on the situation in occupied Crimea on March 17th (Crimea Platform, March 17th)
Crimean sentenced to 18 years for a phone video of boats from Russia’s Black Sea Fleet (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, March 16th)
News from Ukraine
How Russian Forces Are Attacking Hotels Across Ukraine (Tribunal for Putin, March 17th)
RIP Olexander “Vampire” (Solidarity Collectives, March 16th)
War-related news from Russia
Russia: prison authorities punish anti-war protester Igor Paskar (People and Nature, March 19th)
“They destroyed all of Moscow’s competitive advantages”: Internet shutdowns are taking their toll on the Russian capital (The Insider, March 19th)
`Wake up Already’: Internet disruptions and Telegram outages fuel growing anger among Russian users (Meduza, March 18th)
Russia’s highest court upholds terror against Zaporizhzhia Nuclear Power Plant employees (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, March 16th)
Inside the Pipeline: How North Korea armed Russia (IStories, March 16th)
The War on Poverty (The Russian Reader, March 14th)
News from the Front
Ukraine’s counteroffensive brings gains in the south but weakens other sectors of the front. Meduza analyses the latest battlefield developments (Meduza, March 19th)
Analysis and comment
Russian society in war mode (Links, March 19th)
Education system resilience in Eastern Europe, the Caucasus, and Central Asia: Policies and Practices (Cedos, March 19th)
Impossible Island (Posle Media, March 18th)
New Report: Fuelling Russia's oil and gas influence in Europe (Razom We Stand, March 17th)
Toxic Pacifism: Interview with Mira (Solidarity Collectives, March 17th)
Inside the race to cut Russia off from the global internet (Business Insider, March 16th) Here without paywall
Life under Occupation: The situation in the Ukrainian territories temporarily controlled by the Russian army (Alter Pravo, February 2026)
Research of human rights abuses
U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom Publishes Report on Violations of Religious Human Rights, Including in Crimea (Crimea Platform, March 20th)
Students in occupied Crimea and Russia coerced, conned and threatened into going to fight against Ukraine (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, March 18th)
Human Rights Committee Adopts Reports on Follow-Up to Concluding Observations Concerning Botswana, Cambodia and Ukraine (UNHCR, March 17th)
‘You won't get out of here’: the story of Konstantin Davydenkoʼs Russian captivity (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, March 16th)
Arbitrary detention of Ukrainians in the occupied territories: ZMINA spoke at an event within the framework of the UN Human Rights Council (Zmina, March 16th)
International solidarity
Rally at Parliament underscores UK labour movement support for Ukraine (Ukraine Solidarity Campaign, March 18th)
Upcoming events
Saturday 28 March: Together March in London – Eastern European bloc against the far right, meeting 12.0 midday at Deanery Street, off Park Lane.
Wednesday 15 April, 6.0-7:30 pm. Try Me for Treason: Voices Against Putin's War - Part of the Think Human Festival 2026 Actors will perform extracts from speeches made from the dock by Russian oppositionists who have been tried for sabotage for actions taken against the Russo-Ukrainian war Clerici Building, Clerici Learning Studio, Oxford Brookes University, Headington Campus, Oxford.
🔴This bulletin is put together by labour movement activists in solidarity with Ukrainian resistance. More information at Ukraine Information Group.
We are also on twitter. Our aim is to circulate information in English that to the best of our knowledge is reliable. If you have something you think we should include, please send it to 2U022ukrainesolidarity@gmail.com.
We are now on Facebook and Substack! Please subscribe and tell friends. Better still, people can email us at 2022ukrainesolidarity@gmail.com, and we’ll send them the bulletin direct every Monday. The full-scale Russian assault on Ukraine is going into its third year: we’ll keep information and analysis coming, for as long as it takes.The bulletin is also stored on line here.
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We are also on twitter. Our aim is to circulate information in English that to the best of our knowledge is reliable. If you have something you think we should include, please send it to 2U022ukrainesolidarity@gmail.com.
We are now on Facebook and Substack! Please subscribe and tell friends. Better still, people can email us at 2022ukrainesolidarity@gmail.com, and we’ll send them the bulletin direct every Monday. The full-scale Russian assault on Ukraine is going into its third year: we’ll keep information and analysis coming, for as long as it takes.
The bulletin is also stored on line here.
To receive the bulletin regularly, send your email to:
2022ukrainesolidarity@gmail.com.
To stop it, please reply with the word “STOP” in the subject field.
Free Church of Scotland (Continuing) also warns wives should not 'nag like a dripping tap'
The National Secular Society has reported three newly registered Christian charities to the Scottish charity watchdog for promoting homophobia and misogyny.The three charities are Inverness - Greyfriars Free Church of Scotland (Continuing), Ayr Free Church of Scotland (Continuing) (pictured), and International Pentecostal Holiness Church (IPHC) in Scotland.
All three are registered under the charitable purpose 'the advancement of religion'. Charities are legally required to act for the public benefit.
Homosexuality is a 'distortion of Satan'
A 2022 statement from the Free Church's general assembly states homosexuality is condemned by god as "abomination", "vile affections", "against nature" and "unseemly".
Churches which solemnise gay marriage are "overturning God's order, seeking to bless what He has cursed, and is deceiving men and women, in affirming them in their sin", it says.
A Free Church report on a pride parade in Glasgow describes gay people as "perverted" and their way of life as "lewd, unnatural and vile". It says warns against normalising homosexuality, which is an "abomination in the sight of God".
Continue @ NSS.
The Irish Self Determination League (ISDL) was formed in Manchester (though some argue London) in 1919 at the request of Sinn Fein President, Eamonn de Valera. The ISDL spread through England and was open for membership to Irish people living in England and those of Irish descent.
Support for Irish freedom was also policy in some of the major trade unions, not least the Miners Federation of Great Britain (MFGB). There were those in the ranks of the ISDL many of whom were also trade union activists who wished to go a little further than just supporting the fight but wanted an active part in that fight.
Much is documented about groups in Manchester over the years of struggle, the Manchester Martyrs of 1867 for example and various organisations in Liverpool – which also had/has a number of Orange lodges – but little is written about the North East of England. ‘Much of the archived material focuses on the more heavily documented Manchester and London IRA units but much less is known of the North East network’ which was a vital component of the broader IRA campaign. These volunteers spoke with Geordie, Mackem, or Teesside accents not an Irish brogue!! They were born in most cases of Irish extraction, in Newcastle, Jarrow, Sunderland, Stockton on Tees, County Durham of Irish parentage, grand parentage. The brigade were sworn in by Liam McMahon who was despatched from Dublin to administer the IRA oath. The brigade was divided into units which centred on locating and seizing explosives, detonators, and industrial materials from mines and warehouses to transport across the sea to Ireland. The IRA brigade in North East England regularly worked with and under the command of the Scottish Brigade which was larger. They also did operations alone like the bombing of the Jarrow Bridge spanning the River Don which was constructed back in the 19th century. They also carried out attacks on economic targets and the firebombing of various industrial and commercial targets of interest and benefit to the war.
This IRA brigade in the North East was commanded by local man, Richard Purcell who was born in Kilkenny, a former Coal Miner who worked at Coxlodge Colliery until its closure in 1894 then moving sites with other miners, and his quartermaster, Gilbert Barrington, a Schoolteacher with Joseph Connolly who was the Adjutant. These men were responsible for the entire Tyne and Wear area to as far south as Middlesborough and even touching the outskirts of the coastal town of Whitby.
This IRA brigade in the North East was commanded by local man, Richard Purcell who was born in Kilkenny, a former Coal Miner who worked at Coxlodge Colliery until its closure in 1894 then moving sites with other miners, and his quartermaster, Gilbert Barrington, a Schoolteacher with Joseph Connolly who was the Adjutant. These men were responsible for the entire Tyne and Wear area to as far south as Middlesborough and even touching the outskirts of the coastal town of Whitby.
The tentacles of the IRA during the War of Independence reached considerably further than the shores of ‘Cork to Donegall’. The largest IRA company in the North East of England was Jarrow with over 90 Volunteers. By November 1920 the IRA in this area consisted of six companies comprising 190 men and by early 1921 that number had risen to around 480-90 Volunteers. The IRA in England stretched the full geography of the country with Scotland a separate command and considered a separate country.
From London, Birmingham, Liverpool and perhaps the largest brigade in England, Manchester, these IRA brigades split into units played a vital part in the overall strategy during the War of Independence. The least documented of these brigades and perhaps the most active was the IRA in the ‘Tyne and Wear’ area (called such because the area covered the River Tyne in Newcastle, Geordies, and the River Wear in Sunderland, Mackem’s). Warehouses and factories were often set alight in IRA attacks in the region costing their middle-class owners a lot of money. Certain agricultural targets were also favourites for selection of attacks by the local IRA. These attacks were something regular in Ireland against crown forces and their big business allies but in the North East of England? These attacks must have come as a shock to the locals who, if they had heard of the Irish ‘War of Independence’ at all, probably considered it something happening in Ireland!
In December 1921 a republican delegation headed by Michael Collins and Arthur Griffith met with British Prime Minister, David Lloyd George, and a high-powered team consisting of, among others, Winston Churchill and the anti-Irish lord Birkenhead (F.E. Smith). On offer was an agreement which, if the terms were agreed and ratified by both Houses of Parliament, would lead to a treaty between the two countries. With much reluctance and reservations the Irish delegation signed these terms, and in January 1922 the Dail narrowly ratified the terms by 63 votes in favour to 57 against. Westminster had ratified the same terms earlier so was born the ‘Anglo/Irish Treaty’ which led to the Irish Civil War.
In December 1921 a republican delegation headed by Michael Collins and Arthur Griffith met with British Prime Minister, David Lloyd George, and a high-powered team consisting of, among others, Winston Churchill and the anti-Irish lord Birkenhead (F.E. Smith). On offer was an agreement which, if the terms were agreed and ratified by both Houses of Parliament, would lead to a treaty between the two countries. With much reluctance and reservations the Irish delegation signed these terms, and in January 1922 the Dail narrowly ratified the terms by 63 votes in favour to 57 against. Westminster had ratified the same terms earlier so was born the ‘Anglo/Irish Treaty’ which led to the Irish Civil War.
The IRA in the North East of England came down fractionally on the anti-Treaty side with Gilbert Barrington particularly outspoken against the ‘Irish Free State’ which was formed as a result of the Treaty. The Treaty split the movement in North East England and this split caused much bitterness among former comrades which was the case also in Ireland resulting with open hostilities in the Irish Civil War. Barrington, who was deeply committed to the Republic proclaimed at Easter Week 1916, was interned by the Free State on one of his anti-Treaty tours of Ireland. He later assumed his career as a School Teacher when all hostilities had ceased, ironically working for a time with ‘Cissie’ Brennan at St. Bede’s School.
Complimenting the IRA in the Tyne and Wear area was an official branch of the republican women’s section, Cumann na mBan – League of Women – headed by Cecilia ‘Cissie’ Brennan, along with her sisters, Francis and Mildred, who were also members of Cumann na mBan. Theresa Mason and Mary Summerville, who was also an IRA Training Officer in firearms, were, along with many others, also Cumann na mBan activists. Jarrow was the largest area of activity of Cumann na mBan in the area, and it was from here Cissie Brennan and her sisters came. Similar to Gilbert Barrington Brennan was a School Teacher and would later become Head Teacher at Saint Bede’s Catholic school in Jarrow. She had started as an assistant school teacher at the same school gravitating later to Head Teacher in 1928. She took command of Jarrow’s nascent Cumann na mBan in late 1920.
Complimenting the IRA in the Tyne and Wear area was an official branch of the republican women’s section, Cumann na mBan – League of Women – headed by Cecilia ‘Cissie’ Brennan, along with her sisters, Francis and Mildred, who were also members of Cumann na mBan. Theresa Mason and Mary Summerville, who was also an IRA Training Officer in firearms, were, along with many others, also Cumann na mBan activists. Jarrow was the largest area of activity of Cumann na mBan in the area, and it was from here Cissie Brennan and her sisters came. Similar to Gilbert Barrington Brennan was a School Teacher and would later become Head Teacher at Saint Bede’s Catholic school in Jarrow. She had started as an assistant school teacher at the same school gravitating later to Head Teacher in 1928. She took command of Jarrow’s nascent Cumann na mBan in late 1920.
Similar to Irish branches, those of North East England participated in courier work, medical aid, and gathering intelligence and procuring arms. The North East branches operated within a wider network of Irish nationalist women in Britain, working to raise funds to support the families of IRA Volunteers and to arm and equip the IRA in their area. Princess Street in Jarrow was home to Cumann na mBan members and A Company of the IRA. Cumann na mBan as a whole were formed on 2nd April 1914 and with the formation of the ISDL and a little later an IRA brigade in the North East England area it was inevitable the women would organise in the area. Cumann na mBan activity was recorded in Jarrow as early as 1920 and continued until after the Civil War in 1923.
When the Irish Civil War ended in May 1923, resulting in a pro-Treaty victory against the anti-Treaty IRA, the organisation in Tyne and Wear as such ceased. The clouds of war were gathering for the working-class in England as the employers were planning an offensive against organised labour, pay and conditions and general living standards which were already very low. This culminated in a general strike called by the TUC in support of the Miners in 1926.
When the Irish Civil War ended in May 1923, resulting in a pro-Treaty victory against the anti-Treaty IRA, the organisation in Tyne and Wear as such ceased. The clouds of war were gathering for the working-class in England as the employers were planning an offensive against organised labour, pay and conditions and general living standards which were already very low. This culminated in a general strike called by the TUC in support of the Miners in 1926.
Once again, and not for the last time, the Miners were left high and not so dry by the TUC who called off the action after just nine days! What a pity these so-called men of ‘class consciousness’ could not show some of the commitment shown by working-class men and women in collaboration with elements of the petit-bourgeoisie in the North East during Irelands War of Independence. Many of those involved in the war were trade unionists and of those a sizable number were Coal Miners who would be on strike for nine months despite the TUC climb down*.
*The Welsh Miners President, Arthur Horner, served some time with the Irish Citizen Army with who he claimed he did his “conscription”. He moved to Ireland to avoid conscription (despite working in a certified or reserved occupation) into the British Army and being sent to fight for his lords and masters, the propertied and monied classes, and decided to serve with the trade union based Irish Citizen Army. On his return to Wales Horner was imprisoned for a time but after huge protests organised by the Welsh MFGB he was released. His job as a weighman in the pits on union insistence was kept open as was his role of President of the Welsh Miners Federation.
*The Welsh Miners President, Arthur Horner, served some time with the Irish Citizen Army with who he claimed he did his “conscription”. He moved to Ireland to avoid conscription (despite working in a certified or reserved occupation) into the British Army and being sent to fight for his lords and masters, the propertied and monied classes, and decided to serve with the trade union based Irish Citizen Army. On his return to Wales Horner was imprisoned for a time but after huge protests organised by the Welsh MFGB he was released. His job as a weighman in the pits on union insistence was kept open as was his role of President of the Welsh Miners Federation.
 |
| Caoimhin O’Muraile is Independent Socialist Republican and Marxist. |
Ten links to a diverse range of opinion that might be of interest to TPQ readers. They are selected not to invite agreement but curiosity. Readers can submit links to pieces they find thought provoking.
Before We Conform, Or Condemn, Let Us At Least Be Curious
♜One recognizes one's course by discovering the paths that stray from it - Albert Camus♞
They don't want it be. They just believe it is. Arguably it died with the invention of nuclear weapons. The Second Hague Convention was based on the theory that neutral states could proclaim a cordon sanitaire around themselves and tell other countries 'leave us out of this' - with signatories bound by a promise (worthless, as it was shown in both World Wars) that they would leave a neutral alone.
Nuclear weapons obliterated that theory as the effects of nuclear war don't stop at borders. Whether you are a belligerent or a neutral is irrelevant to the fall-out.
Add to that, the concept of state independence really died in the second half of the twentieth century. Once upon a time, states could operate largely self-sufficiently. However the modern economy is intertwined with others to a minute degree. It is why Trump's tariffs have bombed. He thought the US functions in the way it functioned under the pro-tariff President McKinley. The modern economy is dependent on integrated manufacturing chains, with American car makers dependent on parts made in Canada and Europe, key battery components from China and Africa that required items the US cannot mine. All his tariffs did was cause all sorts of chaos in the integration, collapsing US industries like agriculture. Tariffs are not workable in interdependent economies.
European leaders realised the days of independent sovereign states is over. To survive they have to pool sovereignty - which they have done with the EEC/EC/EU. Britain conned itself into thinking it could return to the old days with Brexit. All it did was marginalise itself, suffer colossal economic damage, and find a decade on that it still hasn't got trade deals it thought would be delivered in weeks!
That interdependence really spelled the death knell of neutrality, as it was militarily, economically and in other ways impossible to function as some sort of cordon sanitaire - even if countries obeyed the gentlemen's agreement not to attack neutrals (which in both world wars they broke). The Cork base of medical technology company Stryker by Iranian cyber-attack shows the modern weakness of neutrality. Being in a neutral state made no difference. The same occurred with the Russian cyber-attack on Ireland's HSE, and the Russian cyber-attacks on the parliaments in neutrals Austria and Switzerland.
The Second Hague Convention is based on a world that no longer exists, and arguably started disappearing in the 1920s.
The issue isn't that neutrals don't want to be neutral. It is a growing belief in them that neutrality is meaningless in an interdependent world.
That growing belief can be seen in Europe's longest lasting neutral. The Treaty of Westphalia in October 1648 ended the Thirty Years War. It recognised that Switzerland was already a long-term neutral. Much of that neutrality was a product of its geography - which made it exceptionally difficult to invade. Yet in the last couple of years Switzerland has found itself increasingly unable to avoid international conflicts that seeped into its economic and financial system. In a break with the past, it condemned Russia's illegal invasion of Ukraine in 2022, and acted with greater hostility towards Russia than it had ever done in its hundreds of years of neutrality. It wasn't looking to abandon its neutrality, but didn't see how it could remain neutral in a war that was impacting on it. The Cordon Sanitaire model was no longer working.
Now it has found itself having to condemn the illegal US war against Iran, and also the reckless actions of Iran which risk serious economic damage to Switzerland. It no longer lives in a world where a declaration of neutrality means a war will not touch it. It will be impacted upon.
It still wants to be neutral. So do Ireland, Malta and Austria. (Cyprus wants to join NATO.) But they all fear that in the 21st century, with vital economic interdependence, of hostile actions targeting them, and with the likes of Putin and Trump who have no intention of respecting anyone's neutrality, plus with the effects of weapons of mass destruction, no country really can be on its own and have a cordon sanitaire.
Switzerland is increasing defence spending to 1% of GDP by 2030, a target written in law by Parliament. Austria has upped its target to 1.3% by 2032 and is nearly at 1%. They are realising that neutrality without sufficient defence spending is worthless. But behind it is the fear that for all their commitment to it, neutrality is no longer a feasible option in the modern world. Like cavalry charges of old, they fear the reality of the modern world is making it worthless and ineffective. It is a thought that worries them, haunting their nightmares. They don't want to give it up, yet fear it is just a bit of self-delusion and not a viable option. It is the unspoken truth in the back of their minds.
⏩ Jim Duffy is a writer-historian.
Anthony McIntyre ⚽I wasn't expecting much from this one.
While not at the top just yet, Shamrock Rovers have by far been the best team in the League of Ireland for quite a few seasons. Drogheda United have been nowhere near the best, struggling two seasons ago to avoid the drop despite winning the FAI Cup a week before they eased their neck out of the relegation noose. Resolve took them to the final game of the campaign, a play off, the survival instinct saving them in the end.
I felt the Drogs would lose for the fourth game on the trot whereas Jay called the outcome correct, a draw, although he did think it would be one apiece. Not an unreasonable forecast given that both teams had scored in all their games prior to coming up against each other.
In the end neither side managed to get on the score sheet. Yet despite having home advantage and emerging with only one point, it would be churlish to complain. The claret and blue put up a gutsy fight and were well worth the solitary point they squeezed out of it. There is a steeliness to the side even if it can go AWOL all too often. The following game against Derry City up at the Brandywell saw them recover a two goal deficit.
Two draws in a row rather than having a dispiriting effect might just boost a flagging confidence throughout the side, allowing the players to start believing in themselves once more following a run of three consecutive defeats.
A Monday evening, the day preceding Patrick's, we arrived an hour before the game. The Public Order Unit were present if unobtrusive. They are as regular at games as the Dublin sides. With season tickets secured for the Windmill Road end the seating arrangements are preferable to those on the other side of the stadium. The view as well. Paddy picked a row where we could virtually watch the entire field of play unhindered by roof supporting beams or the kids who persistently block the view across the way while the stewards appear helpless, reduced to playing Whac-A-Mole. As soon as they move one group of youngsters on, another appears.
A Monday evening, the day preceding Patrick's, we arrived an hour before the game. The Public Order Unit were present if unobtrusive. They are as regular at games as the Dublin sides. With season tickets secured for the Windmill Road end the seating arrangements are preferable to those on the other side of the stadium. The view as well. Paddy picked a row where we could virtually watch the entire field of play unhindered by roof supporting beams or the kids who persistently block the view across the way while the stewards appear helpless, reduced to playing Whac-A-Mole. As soon as they move one group of youngsters on, another appears.
In an opening half that the Drogs marginally edged on balance, both sides probed each other for that fatal chink without either coming close to finding an opener. All ariel assaults on the Drogheda area were firmly dealt with by the centre backs. As the half drew to a close anxiety seeped into the home crowd aware that the Hoops were finding their way and probably finished the half the stronger of the two. But with nothing conceded on the half time whistle the mood grew more relaxed.
The second half didn't offer much in terms of outright chances, a comfortable save by Luke Dennison to keep out a shot from outside the box probably the closest either side came to scoring. Substitutions for or both teams made no appreciable difference.
A scoreless game but hardly a dull one on a night where goals throughout the Premier division were scarce. It left the Drogs fans reasonably happy as they departed the ground. While this is the first game of the season that saw the Drogs fail to find the net reassurance is to be found in maintaining a clean sheet in the wake of a 4-1 thrashing at St Pat's. The contended mood was such that even the referee was spared the accusatory howls of bias that were hurled the way of the senior match official in the previous home game against Shels. Full credit to the Ultras. Again, not a flare came out of their number.
The top four positions in the league are all held by the Dublin clubs, reinforcing the capital's dominance on the local soccer scene. The Drogs now lie in the bottom half of the table on equal points with Derry. What will hurt most of all is that Dundalk are two points ahead, occupying a spot just inside the top half. Now, if that doesn't make us angry . . .
We have all been horrified to learn of Cesar Chavez’s sexual assaults and rape of young girls and women. We who worked for years as volunteers or supporters of the United Farm Workers, even those of us like myself who were critical of Chavez, never expected anything like this.
The story recently published in The New York Times, carefully investigated and documented, leaves no doubt that Chavez violated those girls as well as betraying the trust that so many had placed in him.
When I wrote my biography César Chávez and La Causa twenty years ago, part of the Library of American Biography series made up of books to be read by college freshmen and sophomores, I thought about the young Mexican Americans and other Latinos who might read my book and be influenced by it. So, I attempted to give a balanced view of a man who, despite his significant faults, might still inspire young people. [1]
Chavez for most of his adult life worked to promote the well-being of the Mexican American people, who in the U.S, Southwest in the early twentieth century still faced racial segregation and discrimination.
When I wrote my biography César Chávez and La Causa twenty years ago, part of the Library of American Biography series made up of books to be read by college freshmen and sophomores, I thought about the young Mexican Americans and other Latinos who might read my book and be influenced by it. So, I attempted to give a balanced view of a man who, despite his significant faults, might still inspire young people. [1]
Chavez for most of his adult life worked to promote the well-being of the Mexican American people, who in the U.S, Southwest in the early twentieth century still faced racial segregation and discrimination.
Continue @ ESSF.
After the raid on 124 Carrigart Avenue, West Belfast, on Sunday 7th January 1990, Scappaticci and the other two fled across the border and into the town of Dundalk.
For the former Marine it wasn't a major problem travelling South as he had moved to Dundalk in 1980 so adopted quite quickly to his new surroundings. For Scappaticci and Agent 'Shirley Temple' it was much more traumatic, as both had family roots in Belfast.
For the first year Scappaticci kept in close contact with his former Marine colleague and would meet up in a local bar in Dundalk, both blaming their situation on the 'Lord Chief Justice' and feeling quite bitter that they were now in a vulnerable position with the IRA, as a 'witch hunt' was gaining momentum surrounding the raid at Carrigart Avenue. Scappaticci believed the RUC was over- zealous in storming the house in Carrigart Avenue and as a result endangered the agents inside. Eventually, Scapatticci moved to Clondalkin, an area 10 kilometres west of Dublin city centre, where he settled for quite awhile.
His connection with his former partner in the Marines faded as Scappaticci wasn't a hardened drinker whereas his partner was. Haunted by his past and succumbing to the grip of alcohol, the former Marine was killed in a drunken brawl after he was hit over the head with a whiskey bottle and fell down a flight of stairs in November 1994. His treachery had finally caught up with him.
In November 1991 Scappaticci turned up at the Sinn Fein Ard Fheis in Dublin and told a female friend that he was homesick and wanted to return to Belfast to be with his family, but understood he couldn't because of his fingerprint on the battery of the scanner at 124 Carrigart Avenue.
In July 1992 Freddie Scappaticci was ordered to attend a high level meeting at Dublin Airport with his handlers. When he arrived he was greeted by a senior RUC officer, George - and his long term FRU military handler, Colonel Colin - both men enquired about Scappaticci's welfare. They told him that he was heading due North again as he was still a valuable asset in their armoury. But when Stakeknife questioned them about the fingerprint on the battery they dismissed it and told him they had a plan to overcome that problem. An alibi would be provided from the woman who lived at Carrigart Avenue which would state that he had carried out electrical work in the property and had his fingerprints all over the house, including on the battery of the scanner. Scappaticci was sceptical but agreed to go along with the plan.
In early October 1992 the owner of 124 Carrigart Avenue came home from work on a sunny afternoon and found Freddie Scappaticci sitting on a sofa in her living room. She had to look twice as he was wearing sunglasses and seemed agitated. He immediately explained that the woman's daughter had let him in and went on to enquire about the fingerprint on the scanner back in January 1990 and to double check about the alibi she would provide. She assured him that the alibi was intact. He then told her that he would more than likely get arrested by the RUC and didn't wish to end up in Long Kesh, so needed the alibi to stay out of prison. When he stood up and was about to leave the house he placed a 20 pound note behind a clock on the mantlepiece, with the parting words, " You'll need that money as the Republican Movement won't be looking after you". He closed the front door behind him on the way out.
As predicted, on 6th October 1992 Scappaticci was arrested on a building site in Belfast but knew this was all theatre and for the optics. He spent 3 days in Castlereagh Interrogation Centre in East Belfast, and when quizzed by DI Mc Gregor about his fingerprint on a battery supplying a scanner, he kept to the script and replied that he had carried out electrical work in that particular house and it seemed he had inadvertently lifted the device in question. Scappaticci thought it plausible even if DI Mc Gregor thought it implausible.
Once the alibi from the woman in the house was received Scappaticci was released on 9th October 1992 without charge. He was now free to live in the North and be reunited with his family.
Two weeks later Agent 'Shirley Temple' was ordered to attend a meeting with his handlers and told that he would also be heading due North immediately. He was assured that no forensics were found at Carrigart Avenue which could connect him to the house, so he would not be arrested like Scapatticci. As a military agent with the Force Research Unit ( FRU) he was to be reactivated once back in the North and was ordered to carry on the fight against the Provisional IRA.
In late October 1992 Freddie Scappaticci was told to go to Bessbrook Barracks in South Armagh to attend a surprise gathering of his troop. When he walked into the army mess /canteen Scappaticci was greeted by his old comrades from the FRU and the 'RatHole'. They gave him a round of applause as he entered, slapping him on the back in recognition of his return to the unit after nearly 3 years. On the canteen wall hung the plaque of the Force Research Unit and its motto: 'Fishers of Men'.
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| Seamus Kearney is a former Blanketman and author of No Greater Love - The Memoirs of Seamus Kearney. |
Ten links to a diverse range of opinion that might be of interest to TPQ readers. They are selected not to invite agreement but curiosity. Readers can submit links to pieces they find thought provoking.
Before We Conform, Or Condemn, Let Us At Least Be Curious
♜One recognizes one's course by discovering the paths that stray from it - Albert Camus♞
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