Showing posts with label Provisional IRA & Civilian Contractors. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Provisional IRA & Civilian Contractors. Show all posts
Brandon Sullivan ✒ concludes his two part series looking at Provisional IRA targeting of civilian contractors servicing the British Repressive State Apparatuses. 

A Circle of Killings – Belfast

The IRA also targeted Henry Brothers outside of Tyrone and South Derry. On the 21st October 1993, 51 year old John Gibson, a director of the company, became the fifth employee to be killed, shot dead at his home in Newtownabbey. The IRA claimed his killing and named and warned a further five firms that they would be targeted if they continued working for the security forces. Mr Gibson was a leading charity worker for those in the North who had diabetes.

The day after Mr Gibson was killed, loyalists shot a Catholic taxi driver in the head. The driver survived the ordeal, which took place less than 100 yards from where Mr Gibson lived and died. The day after the attack on the taxi driver, the IRA carried out the notorious Shankill bombing.

On Sunday, 5th December 1993, the North Belfast UDA, using their Ulster Freedom Fighters flag of convenience, carried out another sectarian attack on a Catholic taxi. This time the driver, a 31 year old man named John Todd, and a 15 year old boy named Brian Duffy were killed.

In July 1996, Brian Duffy’s 24 year old brother, Robert Duffy, was convicted of the murder of John Gibson. He was released under the Good Friday agreement.

In Hugh Jordan and David Lister’s book Mad Dog, they wrote of a cab firm called Circle Taxis being set up with £10k of UDA money, in 1991. The firm was set up by C Company’s Ian Truesdale, and was known to the police as “murder cars” because of the number of times its cars were “hijacked” and used in attacks.

The Sunday Life reported that “Republicans would have known that all Circle Taxis drivers are Protestant - including one who is the brother of a top UFF terrorist.” (Sunday Life, 10th Dec 2000)

In 2000, Trevor Kell, a member of the North Belfast UDA was shot dead by republicans. I have previously discussed the murder of Mr Kell here. The Belfast Telegraph described Robert Duffy as the “number one suspect” in the murder of Mr Kell. Duffy has never been charged with Kell’s killing, but the Daily Mail and the Irish News quoted Mr Kell’s brother saying that the police told them that Duffy made the call that lured Mr Kell to his death. The Kell family believe that the actual target was Johnny Adair’s brother, James. James Adair was convicted of attempting to murder a Catholic man in a hatchet attack in North Belfast, in 1992. Convicted with Adair for the attack was rapist and child murderer Trevor Hinton.

David Ervine asked of Mr Kell’s murder: “for what was he killed? And for what benefit to Ulster or Ireland?”

The Sunday Life reported that “Republicans would have known that all Circle Taxis drivers are Protestant - including one who is the brother of a top UFF terrorist.” (10th Dec 2000)

We are into the realms of conjecture, but given that Robert Duffy’s brother was murdered by the North Belfast UDA, it could be easy to suggest revenge as a motive for his alleged attack on Circle Taxis. Again, it has to be said, Duffy has not been charged with the attack. The murder of Kell was something of an anomaly. The IRA hadn’t carried out a killing like that in some time. Could it have been a bereaved, trigger happy brother looking to settle a score?

The nadir of the IRA’s campaign against security force contractors

The murder of Patsy Gillespie is, to my mind, the single most appalling act carried out by the IRA. To force a man to drive a live bomb into a checkpoint, or else have his family members murdered, can only be described as a war crime. Mr Gillespie was chosen to die, in a manner which meant no trace of his body would ever be found, because he worked as a cook in a nearby army base. Five soldiers also died: the last soldiers to be killed by the IRA in Derry. Ed Moloney wrote that:

As an operation calculated to undermine the IRA's armed struggle, alienate even its most loyal supporters and damage Sinn Féin politically, it had no equal; no other single act of violence perpetrated by the IRA during this phase of its campaign could match it.

Moloney and Peter Taylor both suggested that an operation as callous as the human bomb attacks could have been a deliberate tactical move by those wishing to reduce support for IRA “hawks.” Even if so, senior IRA commanders made a decision to obliterate the body of a man likely known to some of his killers, for the simple fact that he earned a meagre living at an army base.

But, perhaps, I think the nadir of the IRA’s campaign against contractors to the security forces was perhaps reached on the 13th May 1994, when a bomb was placed under the car of a man who worked as a cleaner in an RUC station, Fred Anthony. Mr Anthony’s wife and daughter were in the car, and suffered terrible injuries. His young daughter suffered two broken legs, and shrapnel in her head.

To endanger an innocent family to kill a cleaner brings to mind an RUC officer’s assessment of the closing stages of the IRA’s campaign as a “grubby, pathetic, little war.”

⏩ Brandon Sullivan is a middle aged, middle management, centre-left Belfast man. Would prefer people focused on the actual bad guys. 

The IRA’s War Against Security Force Contractors – Part Ⅱ

Brandon Sullivan ✒ with the first in a two part series looking at Provisional IRA targeting of civilian contractors servicing the British Repressive State Apparatuses. 

Dublin - 1985

On the 20th August 1985, the IRA shot dead a wealthy building contractor named Seamus McAvoy, in Dublin. McAvoy was alleged to have been involved in the supplying of building services to the RUC. The IRA statement read:

Mr McEvoy (sic) had been given many, many warnings - by telephone, by letter and by IRA attacks on his premises on Coalisland - about his collaboration with the occupation forces in the North. We repeat our recent warnings to those in the construction industry and those who are working in barracks they will suffer the consequences of such collaboration.
Mr. McEvoy, who supplied Rowan cabins and building materials to barracks and military border posts for renovations work, was not earning an honest day's pay but was receiving ill-gotten gains. From such military bases operations have been hatched which have resulted in the murders of nationalist civilians and IRA volunteers. Within such bases, nationalist people have been beaten and tortured.
Without such bases, British military power would be severely hampered. There will be no more warnings.

The journalist and writer Kevin Toolis noted, as others had, the precedent set in previous historical republican campaigns of destroying security force bases, and that the only surprise was that the Provos had not taken this step before.

McAvoy’s killing was unusual in the IRA’s campaign against contractors to the security forces in that it took place in the Republic. Overall, significantly more Protestant than Catholic contractors were killed, but in the opening stages of this campaign, this was not the case, with two out of the first three being Catholics.

The Campaign in the North in the 1980s


One year on from the McAvoy killing, an IRA spokesperson acknowledged that there was “some resistance” to including these contractors on a list of “legitimate targets” but that it has faded. In fact, the spokesman claimed:

The tactic was biting well. [John] Kyle had just been shot and while that was still fresh, it was decided to press on.” Footage of Mr Kyle’s funeral can be seen here, along with responses to the enhanced threat from the IRA.

The spokesman talked of a highly successful campaign, with “at least 50” organisations contacting the republican movement to confirm to them that they had stopped supping the security services with everything from building material to milk.

The spokesman continued:

Nobody has yet worked out the rationale for this, which is obvious. It's crippling the RUC. They will now have to leave their barracks for their milk, their coffee, their bread. Extra jeeps will be needed to protect the jeeps going out for supplies. There won't ever be enough, so the army will have to be called in and that will be a reversal of their Ulsterisation policy to normalise the situation.
The tactic will also throw routine patrolling and administration into chaos. The patrols in Nationalist areas will be thinned out and this will make it much easier for the IRA to carry out operations.

So, in republican terms, it was a success, according to the IRA spokesman. Kevin Toolis in Rebel Hearts also noted that the IRA’s campaign increased the cost of repairing and rebuilding bombed security force installations rocketed, and became extremely dangerous.

Loyalists, perhaps in response to this new threat from the IRA, threated nationalist taxi drivers and stockists of republican newspapers:

The UFF appeared . . .  threatening Catholic workers and those who distribute republican publications or drive in black taxis in nationalist areas of Belfast.

Tyrone – Henry Brothers, the UVF, the UDR, and the IRA

Kevin Toolis wrote a detailed analysis of the targeting by the IRA of Henry Bros building contractors in his book Rebel Hearts. During a meeting with the leadership of the East Tyrone Brigade, one IRA man said:

Henry Brothers are collaborating in the oppression of the nationalist people by taking part in that work, just as the British Crown is forcing those workers to prostitute themselves because of the huge money involved. They are corrupting the people. They have been warned countless times to stop.

Harry Henry was shot dead by the IRA on 21st April 1987. The IRA statement claiming responsibility said:

Since the last execution of one of their staff in Magherafelt the directors of the firm have re-stated to their work-force that they are more determined than ever to assist the British in the repair and building of their bases. Furthermore, they openly used the firm's vehicles to transport members of the British army and UDR about the country.

The Sunday Life reported that Harry Henry’s son, Robert Henry, was charged with conspiracy to murder Sinn Fein Councillor Joe Davey (who was actually murdered in February 1989. Robert Henry was convicted of possession of weapons and attempting to procure weapons, and was sentenced to 12 years in prison in 1991 (Rebel Hearts, p64). Robert Henry claimed that it was bitterness over his father’s murder that led him into loyalist terrorism, and that the RUC was guilty of “entrapment” over how he was led into the UVF.

There is evidence to confirm the IRA’s contention that employment in the security forces could overlap with employment at a contractors servicing security force bases. There is also evidence that there was a third strand of activity within these contractors: membership of loyalist paramilitary organisations.

The IRA in Tyrone seemed confident that Henry Brothers workforce contained members of the security forces, as well as members of the UVF. As Kevin Toolis wrote “the IRA’s determination to hit Henry Brothers and the alleged UVF cell among its workforce intensified” (Rebel Hearts, p65).

In 1990, the IRA shot and killed Henry Brothers’ employee Derek Ferguson, in front of his two sons, who were left alone with their father’s body. Ferguson was related to Willie McCrea, and the IRA alleged that he was in the UVF. The UVF denied that he was. Ferguson was a “close friend” (Rebel Hearts, p73) of Leslie Dallas who was shot dead by the IRA. Dallas was a former UDR man who owned a garage. Ed Moloney wrote that Dallas, like Ferguson, was related to Willie McCrea, and was “a UVF member and a leading member of one of the four UVF families in the East Tyrone–South Derry area” (Secret History of the IRA). 

In 1977, Leslie Dallas and his brother were charged with arms offences in Coagh. The IRA claimed to have spotted Ferguson in a car that was later used in an attack on a republican target. Willie McCrea, with typical sectarian bombast, proclaimed at Ferguson’s funeral that “these Roman Catholic terrorists in the IRA are liars.” Like the IRA, loyalists have often hidden membership of a murder victim for political, or other practical, reasons. The IRA men killed at Cappagh are one example, another is Alan “Smudger” Smith, described as an innocent victim at the time, and now acknowledged as a senior militant loyalist by the Police Ombudsman, and the Irish News.

The Jameson Brothers, Portadown

On the 2nd of November, 1979, 19 year old David Jameson was remanded in custody on charges relating to stealing a Walther .22 pistol, and eight rounds of ammunition. He was not charged with UVF membership, but his co-accused were. The BBC referred to his having been convicted of this offence in a documentary detailing the UVF/LVF feud that started in 2000.

The Belfast Telegraph reported that David Jameson was also charged with loaning his UDR issued personal protection weapon to a UVF unit. Among those charged with him was future LVF murderer, Clifford McKeown. McKeown was convicted of the murder of Michael McGoldrick, a Catholic taxi driver. Another man charged with him was Robert Nigel Willis, then aged 24, and of Markethill. In 2000, the BBC reported reported that a 27 year old man named Nigel Willis was charged with possessing the weapon used to kill Richard Jameson, and of membership of the LVF. I do not know if the two Willis men are related, or if they are the same man with an incorrectly given age in one of the two reports.

In April 1991, an IRA car bomb exploded in his car, and he suffered severe injuries including the loss of one leg, and two fingers. The IRA said in a statement that he was targeted as a UVF member, in response to recent murders of nationalists by the UVF. The Jameson family said in a statement that he was not in the UVF. David Jameson, in the Spotlight documentary, said that he was targeted because his firm worked on security force bases.

David Jameson is one of nine siblings with four sisters, and four brothers. According to BBC Spotlight, all five Jameson brothers served in the security forces, as did their mother. David was a member of the UDR, who served a jail sentence for hijacking a vehicle.

According to Spotlight, the Jameson clan became wealthy through construction and were “one of the most powerful families in Portadown … two of the brothers ran building companies which handle lucrative contracts for the security services.” Bobby Jameson, who ran one of the companies, still had police protection in the year 2000. Interestingly, he was then vice-chairman of Portadown FC (now chairman).

The Jameson family became known more widely when Richard Jameson, described at the time as the UVF “Brigadier” in Portadown was shot dead by the LVF. It is alleged that Richard Jameson had an altercation with an acolyte of Billy Wright, Muriel Landry (AKA Muriel Gibson). Jameson is alleged to have struck her (Sunday Mirror, 16th Jan 2000). LVF prisoners on Christmas parole at a social club linked to Portadown FC verbally abused Jameson about this. Later that evening, a group of men severely beat the LVF prisoners. Richard Jameson was shot dead not long afterwards.

Then First Minister of Northern Ireland, David Trimble, visited Jameson’s widow, Moira, and had this to say about the family:

the family are well known in this town … local businessmen … [who] have contributed a lot … let’s leave it there.

The Spotlight documentary shows the surviving Jameson brothers painting over LVF graffiti and murals and handing out leaflets condemning the LVF. Such activities are the work of brave men, but one might be excused for thinking that the Jameson brothers had a degree of protection and/or back-up.

Richard Jameson did not feature in a recent history of the UVF, and where he is mentioned, it is generally only in terms of his assassination. Portadown was home to a virulently sectarian UVF unit, but Jameson often holidayed in the Republic, where his brother had a house in Galway. One source on Spotlight said that he was “a leading light in the community … brought in to reign in the dissidents.”

Richard Jameson was buried with no paramilitary trappings. His funeral was very well attended, with mourners from across NI and Scotland, some of them wearing UVF ties. Loyalist prisoners and politicians gave death notices. PUP leader Billy Hutchinson said that “all he wanted to talk about was keeping peace in Portadown.”

I found the case of the Jameson brothers interesting on a number of levels. Entrepreneurial Protestants with links to the security forces and loyalist paramilitaries, they nonetheless were not targeted with anything like the same ferocity as Henry Brothers. In histories of the Troubles, the Portadown UVF has a number of names which appear frequently. None of the Jameson brothers appeared until the year 2000.

It could be that the IRA in that area were not capable enough to launch a sustained campaign, or that they didn’t consider the Jameson brothers as “legitimate” targets. Or there could be other reasons. I simply don’t know.

For my next piece, I’m going to look at an IRA attack on a contractor outside Tyrone and South Derry, and how the murder of Trevor Kell could be linked.

⏩ Brandon Sullivan is a middle aged, middle management, centre-left Belfast man. Would prefer people focused on the actual bad guys. 

The IRA’s War Against Security Force Contractors – Part Ⅰ