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| 7-August-2024 |
There can be little doubt that sinister elements are playing a role organising these disturbances but what is the magnitude of the threat posed by these agitators. Are they just a small number of dangerous thugs with little standing in the wider community, or do they represent something more systemic? Let us put this situation in its wider context by starting with the underlying material conditions.
Capitalism globally is facing an existential challenge. Not necessarily of the precipitous cliff-edge type, more like the slow but gradual disintegration of the system. In order to halt the erosion of ruling class privilege, four decades ago the United States and Britain launched a new era of stringent neoliberalism. A strategy adopted by most of what likes to be described as the “developed West”.
For a period, the plan appeared to work as the rich became ever more vulgarly wealthy, trade unions were hammered and even the Soviet Union collapsed. Eventually though, two factors emerged to spoil the oligarchy’s festival. On one hand, restriction-free capitalism led to the financial crisis of 2008 which exacerbated the misery and inequality experienced in working class communities. This is something has undoubtedly led to the disenchantment-fuelled populism being exploited by demagogues such as Trump, Le Pen and Farage, among many others.
And while capitalist states have the coercive might individually to contain the above, the second factor facing them posed a challenge of an entirely different nature and dimension. Having welcomed the demise of the USSR, the emergence of the People’s Republic of China as a vibrant economic powerhouse governed by the largest communist party in the world has generated alarm among the capitalist elite.
Donald Trump and his running mate JD Vance have, for example, made no secret of what they take to be their greatest adversary. They view China to be such an enormous problem that, if or when elected to the White House, they have publicly committed to demanding Ukraine enters peace negotiations with Russia. This is in order to concentrate on confronting Beijing. While this strategy may yet prove to be a more subtle method of isolating the PRC (in return for a favourable settlement in the Donbas, they might demand that Moscow cold shoulder Xi Jinping), it does, nevertheless, underline the depth of their concern.
A concern shared by the UK government which last year spoke of, “a systemic challenge posed by China,” with the People’s Republic now deemed by George Robertson, the recently appointed head of Labour’s defence review, as part of a “deadly quartet”.
At this point it is worth recalling the words of James Connolly when he said that, “governments in capitalist society are but committees of the rich to manage the affairs of the capitalist class.” A valuable insight when reflecting on the rationale underlying the increasing impact of right-wing extremism here in Ireland and beyond.
We do not have to construct elaborate conspiracy theories to recognise that concerns raised by government agencies in capitalist countries reflect those of the wealthy, the real ruling class. They share a deep anxiety that, in light of an economic system delivering persistent inequality and discontent, the PRC, rather than the USA, may become for the dispossessed, “the shining city on a hill”.
This, therefore, is the wider context in which we should examine what happened in Coolock and also in Antrim or West Belfast. In these locations, an inadequate supply of housing, due to state driven free-market policy, was exploited by right-wing provocateurs. Make no mistake, the preparation and use of petrol bombs are not spontaneous actions. Nor was intimidating eight migrant families from their homes in the Ballycraigy estate of Antrim town a spur of the moment happening.
While racism and alienation undoubtedly play a part in these foul deeds, there still remains the question of who or what ultimately benefits by causing conflict and violent divisions within working class communities. Indeed, who or what benefits by attacking left-leaning political parties and their spokespersons, accusing them of being traitors.
The answer is, of course, so obvious that it’s almost an insult to our readers’ intelligence to point to the masters of capital, both domestic and abroad. But do they actively plan or organise it? Well, let me just quote from one Adam Smith, beloved of the most senior free-marketeers. In his seminal work The Wealth of Nations, he wrote, “…People of the same trade seldom meet together, even for merriment and diversion, but the conversation ends in a conspiracy against the public.”
We would be naive in the extreme to believe that the beneficiaries of the neo-liberal capitalist system would not enter into or sponsor “a conspiracy against the public” in order to retain their obscene amount of privilege.
Curse the fascist thugs organising the violence, of course, but let’s put the blame where it really belongs: on the criminals in charge of the iniquitous capitalist system.
Capitalism globally is facing an existential challenge. Not necessarily of the precipitous cliff-edge type, more like the slow but gradual disintegration of the system. In order to halt the erosion of ruling class privilege, four decades ago the United States and Britain launched a new era of stringent neoliberalism. A strategy adopted by most of what likes to be described as the “developed West”.
For a period, the plan appeared to work as the rich became ever more vulgarly wealthy, trade unions were hammered and even the Soviet Union collapsed. Eventually though, two factors emerged to spoil the oligarchy’s festival. On one hand, restriction-free capitalism led to the financial crisis of 2008 which exacerbated the misery and inequality experienced in working class communities. This is something has undoubtedly led to the disenchantment-fuelled populism being exploited by demagogues such as Trump, Le Pen and Farage, among many others.
And while capitalist states have the coercive might individually to contain the above, the second factor facing them posed a challenge of an entirely different nature and dimension. Having welcomed the demise of the USSR, the emergence of the People’s Republic of China as a vibrant economic powerhouse governed by the largest communist party in the world has generated alarm among the capitalist elite.
Donald Trump and his running mate JD Vance have, for example, made no secret of what they take to be their greatest adversary. They view China to be such an enormous problem that, if or when elected to the White House, they have publicly committed to demanding Ukraine enters peace negotiations with Russia. This is in order to concentrate on confronting Beijing. While this strategy may yet prove to be a more subtle method of isolating the PRC (in return for a favourable settlement in the Donbas, they might demand that Moscow cold shoulder Xi Jinping), it does, nevertheless, underline the depth of their concern.
A concern shared by the UK government which last year spoke of, “a systemic challenge posed by China,” with the People’s Republic now deemed by George Robertson, the recently appointed head of Labour’s defence review, as part of a “deadly quartet”.
At this point it is worth recalling the words of James Connolly when he said that, “governments in capitalist society are but committees of the rich to manage the affairs of the capitalist class.” A valuable insight when reflecting on the rationale underlying the increasing impact of right-wing extremism here in Ireland and beyond.
We do not have to construct elaborate conspiracy theories to recognise that concerns raised by government agencies in capitalist countries reflect those of the wealthy, the real ruling class. They share a deep anxiety that, in light of an economic system delivering persistent inequality and discontent, the PRC, rather than the USA, may become for the dispossessed, “the shining city on a hill”.
This, therefore, is the wider context in which we should examine what happened in Coolock and also in Antrim or West Belfast. In these locations, an inadequate supply of housing, due to state driven free-market policy, was exploited by right-wing provocateurs. Make no mistake, the preparation and use of petrol bombs are not spontaneous actions. Nor was intimidating eight migrant families from their homes in the Ballycraigy estate of Antrim town a spur of the moment happening.
While racism and alienation undoubtedly play a part in these foul deeds, there still remains the question of who or what ultimately benefits by causing conflict and violent divisions within working class communities. Indeed, who or what benefits by attacking left-leaning political parties and their spokespersons, accusing them of being traitors.
The answer is, of course, so obvious that it’s almost an insult to our readers’ intelligence to point to the masters of capital, both domestic and abroad. But do they actively plan or organise it? Well, let me just quote from one Adam Smith, beloved of the most senior free-marketeers. In his seminal work The Wealth of Nations, he wrote, “…People of the same trade seldom meet together, even for merriment and diversion, but the conversation ends in a conspiracy against the public.”
We would be naive in the extreme to believe that the beneficiaries of the neo-liberal capitalist system would not enter into or sponsor “a conspiracy against the public” in order to retain their obscene amount of privilege.
Curse the fascist thugs organising the violence, of course, but let’s put the blame where it really belongs: on the criminals in charge of the iniquitous capitalist system.
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Tommy McKearney is a left wing and trade union activist. He is author of The Provisional IRA: From Insurrection to Parliament. Follow on Twitter @Tommymckearney |
