The second time was reading this book by Dan Lawton whose investigative writing delves into the deep and sinister workings of the RUC during the “troubles” which engulfed the six counties for thirty years. Wrong convictions brought about through fascist style police torture secured these miscarriages assisted by prejudicial judges. Dan Lawton unravels the whole sordid nature of the six-county state. The book is divided into eleven sections and seventy-nine short chapters which makes easy reading.
The author in the prologue appears, wrongly as I read on, to take a pro-Thatcher line and is in agreement with deputy governor Albert Miles assertion that these POWs were no better than rapists, thieves and muggers. In other words they were criminals and not ‘political prisoners’. As the work progresses this early assumption is totally the wrong one as a much more objective analysis of the situation flows from Lawton’s pen. If anything he appears to lean slightly towards the prisoners' side, and he wrote; “when it comes to the ‘troubles’ I have no ideological axe to grind, but I do not pretend to be impartial about this subject”. The deputy governor, Albert Miles, agreed wholeheartedly with Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher, that there could be “no compromise with terrorists”. This position of Miles would cost him his life in a timed IRA attack on him at his home. On the night of Sunday 26th November 1978 Albert Miles would lose his life when two IRA gunmen came calling at his home. Claiming to be “Butler” from across the road, when his wife, Florence, answered the door the two men kicked the door open and when Miles made an appearance, he was shot dead.
Albert Miles was a sadistic deputy governor who gave his equally cruel guards carte blanche to treat the prisoners as they wished. During the ‘blanket and no wash protest’ he ordered his men to scrub the prisoners, who wore only blankets, with deck brushes according to the author. These implements, as the name suggests, were used originally to scrub the decks of sailing vessels back in the days of sail. They were stiff and very course and caused grazing leading to bleeding around the prisoners' genitals and other sensitive areas. He authorised regular beatings of the naked men during the protests and could quite easily have presided over the deaths of prisoners who were on protest.at the guards' hands This kind of cruelty was not dissimilar to that meted out to the prisoners of Bergen Belsen by the Commandant at the Concentration Camp, Josef Kramer, who had previously been in charge of the Death Camp Auschwitz-Birkenau. Could anybody have blamed an assassin if an attempt on Kramer’s life had been tried? No, he was a war criminal and was tried after the war and sentenced to death. Why should a man like Albert Miles who carried out sadistic treatments of prisoners, in much the same way as Kramer, have been considered by his enemies to be any different from Kramer? At least this may have been the opinion of the IRA. The book describes in detail Miles' cruel treatment of the prisoners who were under his charge. If anybody doubted the IRA and INLA former POWs' accounts of their treatment at the hands of Miles and his staff then reading this book should put any doubts to bed. The book describes the conditions inside the jail, which I was never in but know plenty who were, and the authors description appears to correspond with those of former POWs.
The author in the prologue appears, wrongly as I read on, to take a pro-Thatcher line and is in agreement with deputy governor Albert Miles assertion that these POWs were no better than rapists, thieves and muggers. In other words they were criminals and not ‘political prisoners’. As the work progresses this early assumption is totally the wrong one as a much more objective analysis of the situation flows from Lawton’s pen. If anything he appears to lean slightly towards the prisoners' side, and he wrote; “when it comes to the ‘troubles’ I have no ideological axe to grind, but I do not pretend to be impartial about this subject”. The deputy governor, Albert Miles, agreed wholeheartedly with Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher, that there could be “no compromise with terrorists”. This position of Miles would cost him his life in a timed IRA attack on him at his home. On the night of Sunday 26th November 1978 Albert Miles would lose his life when two IRA gunmen came calling at his home. Claiming to be “Butler” from across the road, when his wife, Florence, answered the door the two men kicked the door open and when Miles made an appearance, he was shot dead.
Albert Miles was a sadistic deputy governor who gave his equally cruel guards carte blanche to treat the prisoners as they wished. During the ‘blanket and no wash protest’ he ordered his men to scrub the prisoners, who wore only blankets, with deck brushes according to the author. These implements, as the name suggests, were used originally to scrub the decks of sailing vessels back in the days of sail. They were stiff and very course and caused grazing leading to bleeding around the prisoners' genitals and other sensitive areas. He authorised regular beatings of the naked men during the protests and could quite easily have presided over the deaths of prisoners who were on protest.at the guards' hands This kind of cruelty was not dissimilar to that meted out to the prisoners of Bergen Belsen by the Commandant at the Concentration Camp, Josef Kramer, who had previously been in charge of the Death Camp Auschwitz-Birkenau. Could anybody have blamed an assassin if an attempt on Kramer’s life had been tried? No, he was a war criminal and was tried after the war and sentenced to death. Why should a man like Albert Miles who carried out sadistic treatments of prisoners, in much the same way as Kramer, have been considered by his enemies to be any different from Kramer? At least this may have been the opinion of the IRA. The book describes in detail Miles' cruel treatment of the prisoners who were under his charge. If anybody doubted the IRA and INLA former POWs' accounts of their treatment at the hands of Miles and his staff then reading this book should put any doubts to bed. The book describes the conditions inside the jail, which I was never in but know plenty who were, and the authors description appears to correspond with those of former POWs.
Dan Lawton delves deeply though not intrusively into the private life of Kevin Barry Artt. Lawton must have had permission to give the account of Kevin's private life which is detailed very well. It gives a picture of an innocent man who was tortured mercilessly by the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) and repeatedly beaten as they tried in vain, at first, to force a confession out of him regarding the “murder” of Miles. Kevin maintained his innocence throughout many beatings often resulting in him losing consciousness on occasions.
From 1978 Kevin Barry Artt had resisted the demands, under constant harassment and duress by the RUC to confess to a crime he had not committed. Finally in November 1981 the torturers got their way. Exhausted and badly beaten Kevin was dazed and would have “signed anything” to get out of that place. The so-called detectives of the RUC had beaten him senseless, tortured him all to no avail - they even tried the nice guy approach by offering the semi-conscious prisoner concessions if he confessed. They told him if he did not admit his part in the murder he would be going away “for a long time, thirty years minimum” but, if he played the game, they could see to it he would be out in “seven years”. Finally battered and broken and not wishing to spend the rest of his life without his wife, Carmen, and baby son, Barry Paul, and believing (wrongly) he would be out again in “seven years” he signed a confession. He could not have taken much more punishment.
The IRA do not come out squeaky clean either as the author points out. One tactic the RUC used was the false statement of IRA man, Charlie McKeirnan, who said Kevin was the other man involved in the killing of Albert Miles. This was wrong but why would an IRA man finger an innocent? Dan Lawton explains:
The IRA do not come out squeaky clean either as the author points out. One tactic the RUC used was the false statement of IRA man, Charlie McKeirnan, who said Kevin was the other man involved in the killing of Albert Miles. This was wrong but why would an IRA man finger an innocent? Dan Lawton explains:
McKiernan sought out Kevin. He explained that he had put Kevin in the loop in Castlereagh because he knew Kevin had no involvement in the Miles Murder”.
This sounds like a filthy trick by McKiernan until the details are examined a little closer which Dan Lawton does.
McKiernan was under orders to protect IRA men. Those orders included an instruction not to recant his confession to the Miles murder. That way, at least one guilty man could remain at large while Kevin, who was a nobody to the Provisionals, took the fall for what he had done. Withdrawing the naming of Kevin would mean a valuable IRA man who had gone uncharged in the murder would be at risk of prosecution.
This the IRA could not afford.
The work covers the ‘show trial’ of Kevin Barry Artt which highlighted the predetermined nature of trials in the six counties. Judge Basil Kelly, an anti-Catholic Orangeman, who presided over the proceedings would not have been out of place in the courtroom of Judge Roland Freisler in Nazi Germany. It should be remembered particularly by residents in other parts of the UK that “Northern Ireland” – the six counties – were and are (for the time being) part of the same UK and what happened there in this case could well happen in London or Manchester, Glasgow or Cardiff tomorrow! With much evidence not made available to the defence and on flimsy prosecution evidence/lies Kevin received a life sentence of thirty years.
This work graphically outlines in great detail the 1983 IRA escape from Long Kesh – the Maze – prison. So well are the events described that the reader almost feels part of the escape, almost one of the thirty-eight prisoners. Great detail was also given to interviews with members of Kevin's family, fellow prisoners, friends and Prison Officers who invariably lied as a clear picture begins of torture and cohesion suffered at the hands of the RUC by the accused. After the intrepid escape Kevin made it to the USA where he first came into contact with the author of this work. Though Kevin was not an IRA Volunteer he was included in the escape. A favour in return perhaps?
The British authorities, as usual, well wide of the mark had Kevin Barry Artt down as one of those who planned to kill Margaret Thatcher then British Prime Minister. This was totally untrue and they had no evidence to support their claim. Ronald Reagan was the US President of the time and he had a great working relationship with Mrs Thatcher. Perhaps they were hoping this would make it easier to extradite the Irish fugitive! Kevin denied and still denies ever being a member of the IRA let alone in an ASU (Active Service Unit) volunteer out to assassinate Thatcher. Kevin was eventually arrested in the US and was imprisoned awaiting a trial for extradition to the UK.
James Brosnahan was Kevin's legal representative in the US court and he put up a fantastic case against extraditing the fugitive. Brosnahan worked for the same legal firm as the author of this book, Dan Lawton. In court Brosnahan put on a vintage performance as he pulled to pieces the original conviction and sentencing in the ‘Diplock Court’ Belfast. Despite the Attorney’s best efforts the Judge, Charles Legge, supported in almost every way imaginable his colleague Basil Kelly in Belfast. It was almost Masonic! The book describes the case in every detail as well as the overturning of Legge’s judgement that Kevin should be extradited. On 9th October 1998 in the US Court of Appeal Legge’s judgement was overturned. Both cases, the original and the appeal are well covered in the last quarter of the book.
On 1st August 2000 in accordance with the ‘Good Friday Agreement’ “the British had freed every prisoner convicted of a terrorist offence”. On 13th October the order came from “Northern Ireland” Secretary, Peter Mandelson, stating “fugitives from British jails will be freed”. Six days later a note was received from a British official by the US State Department stating under the terms of the GFA “the case of Kevin Barry John Artt falls into this category”. It stated; “the British Government will no longer pursue the extradition of those individuals who have been convicted of offences committed prior to the Good Friday Agreement" (P370).
Back in Belfast, 2020, Kevin's appeal in the UK was heard. Fiona Doherty for Kevin exposed the corruption and withholding of vital evidence from the defence. Dan Lawton was present at this appeal and graphically describes events in this book. Even to a Judge of Basil Kelly’s prejudice such evidence could and should have swung the verdict of guilty to not guilty. Another case, among many, against the reintroduction of capital punishment anywhere in the UK!
The Good Friday Agreement was supposed to change the situation for the better in “Northern Ireland” and policing in particular. Chapter 76 would suggest nothing whatsoever has changed certainly regards policing and false arrests as is clearly described in chapter 76.
Dan Lawton, 2024, Hunted: The Kevin Barry Artt Story. Merrion Press. ISBN 978 1 78537 520 0 (Paper) 978 1 78537 519 4 (E. Book).
The work covers the ‘show trial’ of Kevin Barry Artt which highlighted the predetermined nature of trials in the six counties. Judge Basil Kelly, an anti-Catholic Orangeman, who presided over the proceedings would not have been out of place in the courtroom of Judge Roland Freisler in Nazi Germany. It should be remembered particularly by residents in other parts of the UK that “Northern Ireland” – the six counties – were and are (for the time being) part of the same UK and what happened there in this case could well happen in London or Manchester, Glasgow or Cardiff tomorrow! With much evidence not made available to the defence and on flimsy prosecution evidence/lies Kevin received a life sentence of thirty years.
This work graphically outlines in great detail the 1983 IRA escape from Long Kesh – the Maze – prison. So well are the events described that the reader almost feels part of the escape, almost one of the thirty-eight prisoners. Great detail was also given to interviews with members of Kevin's family, fellow prisoners, friends and Prison Officers who invariably lied as a clear picture begins of torture and cohesion suffered at the hands of the RUC by the accused. After the intrepid escape Kevin made it to the USA where he first came into contact with the author of this work. Though Kevin was not an IRA Volunteer he was included in the escape. A favour in return perhaps?
The British authorities, as usual, well wide of the mark had Kevin Barry Artt down as one of those who planned to kill Margaret Thatcher then British Prime Minister. This was totally untrue and they had no evidence to support their claim. Ronald Reagan was the US President of the time and he had a great working relationship with Mrs Thatcher. Perhaps they were hoping this would make it easier to extradite the Irish fugitive! Kevin denied and still denies ever being a member of the IRA let alone in an ASU (Active Service Unit) volunteer out to assassinate Thatcher. Kevin was eventually arrested in the US and was imprisoned awaiting a trial for extradition to the UK.
James Brosnahan was Kevin's legal representative in the US court and he put up a fantastic case against extraditing the fugitive. Brosnahan worked for the same legal firm as the author of this book, Dan Lawton. In court Brosnahan put on a vintage performance as he pulled to pieces the original conviction and sentencing in the ‘Diplock Court’ Belfast. Despite the Attorney’s best efforts the Judge, Charles Legge, supported in almost every way imaginable his colleague Basil Kelly in Belfast. It was almost Masonic! The book describes the case in every detail as well as the overturning of Legge’s judgement that Kevin should be extradited. On 9th October 1998 in the US Court of Appeal Legge’s judgement was overturned. Both cases, the original and the appeal are well covered in the last quarter of the book.
On 1st August 2000 in accordance with the ‘Good Friday Agreement’ “the British had freed every prisoner convicted of a terrorist offence”. On 13th October the order came from “Northern Ireland” Secretary, Peter Mandelson, stating “fugitives from British jails will be freed”. Six days later a note was received from a British official by the US State Department stating under the terms of the GFA “the case of Kevin Barry John Artt falls into this category”. It stated; “the British Government will no longer pursue the extradition of those individuals who have been convicted of offences committed prior to the Good Friday Agreement" (P370).
Back in Belfast, 2020, Kevin's appeal in the UK was heard. Fiona Doherty for Kevin exposed the corruption and withholding of vital evidence from the defence. Dan Lawton was present at this appeal and graphically describes events in this book. Even to a Judge of Basil Kelly’s prejudice such evidence could and should have swung the verdict of guilty to not guilty. Another case, among many, against the reintroduction of capital punishment anywhere in the UK!
The Good Friday Agreement was supposed to change the situation for the better in “Northern Ireland” and policing in particular. Chapter 76 would suggest nothing whatsoever has changed certainly regards policing and false arrests as is clearly described in chapter 76.
Dan Lawton, 2024, Hunted: The Kevin Barry Artt Story. Merrion Press. ISBN 978 1 78537 520 0 (Paper) 978 1 78537 519 4 (E. Book).
 |
| Caoimhin O’Muraile is Independent Socialist Republican and Marxist. |
Wow, some book review--sign me up!
ReplyDeleteRegarding Albert Miles, I'd always been under the impression that he was killed because of his rank in the prison service rather than any direct brutality.
ReplyDeleteWas he known widely among republican (and possibly loyalist) prisoners as a sadist/brute? I can't recall reading about him anywhere else.
The first time I ever heard of him was when he was shot. The stories about his association with brutality began circulating then.
DeleteThanks, for your review Caoimhin.
ReplyDeleteT'was a dirty business all round.
And all for nothing.
it's an excellent review but ultimately I come to the same conclusion HJ. We could have done without any of the killing. I am looking forward to reading the book - Caoimhin was telling me yesterday how much he enjoyed reading it.
DeleteGood review. Persuaded me to get the book. "The IRA do not come out squeaky clean" is understatement of the year. At first I thought the IRA pointed the finger at an innocent man because as an innocent man couldn't possibly be convicted but immediately realised this is the conveyor belt system of the Diplock Courts where confessions ruled no matter how unsafe.
ReplyDeleteFunny thing is the problem for Republicans with the Diplock Courts wasn't the single judge but the changes in the rules of evidence. The proportion of Republican prisoners going to jail from a Diplock Court was the same as that under the system prior to Diplock with mainly Protestant juries who had no sympathy for IRA suspects. More went to jail because the number before the courts rocketed because of the changes in the rules of evidence, (confessions only etc.) There was little difference in conviction rates between Diplock judges and the predominantly Protestant juries.
Another point to remember is that not only did the number of Loyalists before the court go up but a greater proportion of them went to jail. Again the numbers before the court went up because of changes to the rules of evidence but those in court were much more likely to go to jail than before because the juries which were more likely to be sympathetic to them were replaced by a single judge. The only saving grace for the loyalists is they tended to get noticeably lighter sentences.
I got the US version of this on audiobook. I enjoyed it, the pace was captivating, and centred the reader at the scene of various happenings.
ReplyDeleteI would say it had a certain "green" twinge to it, and what was never fully explored, except in circumstances that I didn't find particularly credible, was why the RUC went to such lengths in their persecution of Artt. I've read and heard various accounts of paramilitaries being hounded by the RUC and army, but the extent to which Artt was singled out is explained away by his being a taxi driver for a republican owned firm, and associating with known IRA men. If this was the criteria for that level of persecution, the jails would have been even more full of totally innocent Catholic men.
Something else that jarred was the statement that a man murdered by the Shankill Butchers was left at his family home in a closed coffin. This is bullshit, pure and simple, and a classic example of Butchers mythology that has sadly become commonplace. Something as obviously wrong as this made me view the rest of the book with a suspicion that never really went away.
For all that, though, a good book and worth reading. I've tried finding out about the main RUC villain, Norman Cormie. Nothing so far. There was a Hot Rod racer named Norman Cormie who died in 1982. I wondered if he could be a relative - Hot Rod racing had some notable loyalist paramilitaries involved in some parts of the North.
The attempts on Artt's life are chilling, particularly the 1979 one when a man is inflicted with life-changing injuries due to the bungled nature of the Woodvale Defence Association would be assassins. The aftermath of this outrage has been discussed outside of the book, and is truly shocking.
@ Simon
I've noticed that particularly in sentencing for possessions of firearms, loyalists got noticeably lighter sentences, and sometimes a few kind words from the judge about the convicts being "pushed to their limits" and that the weapons were for a doomsday scenario etc
Brandon it happened at every level of the justice system and loyalists tended to get lighter sentences for crimes of a similar weight. The Detail ran an article in 2022 that in 3,100 Justice and Security stop and searches 33% were Protestants and 62% were Catholics. That pattern hasn't changed for decades.
ReplyDeleteDuring the conflict nationalists were twice as likely to be stopped, more likely to be arrested, then more likely to be charged, more likely to go to court, more likely to be sentenced and then more likely to have a heavier sentence. Add Republicanism into the mix and the comparisons with Loyalism were striking. The differences in sentencing weren't huge nor did it happen at every trial but there was a noticeable pattern.
Before Diplock the conviction rate for Loyalists was very low in comparison to after Diplock. I'm not talking about those going to court as the numbers shot up both within Loyalism and Republicanism due to changes in the rules of evidence. The conviction rate of loyalists who went to court shot up whereas the conviction rate of Republicans who went to court was higher but not significantly so.
Republicans always made a song and dance about Diplock and in particular the one judge system as it made for good propaganda but in reality it was the changes in the rules of evidence that had the impact, there was little difference in conviction rates of Republicans between the Diplock system of a single judge and the previous system of unionist heavy juries.
Republicans should have been happy with the single judge system under Diplock as it led to more loyalists being taken off the streets than under the jury system. However, we can't forget miscarriages of justice on all sides due to the changes in the rules of evidence. There were less stringent safeguards regarding confession evidence under Diplock for example. "Less stringent" I know, understatement of the year.