Anthony McIntyre ☠ Thursday past saw the two big beasts of the North’s political jungle square up to each other in the local council elections.

Constitutional nationalism was such a hot favourite to come out on top that some within constitutional unionism feared that, already on the ropes, it might even end up on the canvas. It wasn’t to be. The DUP are not down for the count but still lost the count, Sinn Fein securing a huge points victory. As Sam McBride pointed out: 'Never has a nationalist party won the most seats, yet here Sinn Féin did so handsomely.'

A Shinner with whom I chat on Twitter told me as the count was unfolding that he felt the party was on course to do well. He wasn’t being triumphalist, just trying to project trends. I confess these days to not having nearly as much interest in any of it, certainly nothing like the passion of old. I plead guilty to being more of a secularist than a separatist, probably a heretical position to the traditionalist, even worse to the purist. That’s what living outside the North for the past sixteen years does. The only result I heard was that of an old friend, Sean McGlinchey, topping the poll and being elected on the first count. I felt chuffed for him, but it is personal, not political.

I neither support nor vote Sinn Fein, but I much prefer to see the northern nationalist electorate have its candidates returned than I would its unionist counterpart. When I expressed such sentiments to a republican friend today, he suggested it might be a sectarian view of things. I don’t believe it is. Given what northern nationalists experienced in the past at the hands of the British state and political unionism, coupled with the present contemptuous application of the unionist veto, blocking Michelle O’Neill from assuming the First Minister position, it would be asking the impossible of me to want to see the DUP triumph over Sinn Fein. It would be churlish and spiteful, anything but political, a sort of nationalists must wait until they all agree with me position. I count myself fortunate not to be blighted with that religious mindset that wants to see fire and brimstone rain down on those who do not share my views about Sinn Fein. The people have voted, the bastards.

Some republican critics of Sinn Fein seem to have been upset by the party’s success, annoyed that its careerist and Animal Farm types have profited from the years of republican struggle which they have jettisoned much like a booster rocket is allowed to fall to earth upon reaching booster engine cut-off point, while the main vessel heads off on a course it long abjured. That’s fine so long as disdain for Sinn Fein the party does not extend to contempt for the Sinn Fein electorate.

Republicans might bristle, but that electorate has endorsed the internal solution Sinn Fein accepted when it signed up to the Good Friday Agreement. It has embraced the constitutionalist nationalist formula of unity only by consent, previously described by Gerry Adams as a partitionist fudge. It has overwhelmingly renounced the republican position of unity by coercion.

Many years ago I arrived at the conclusion that the republican project had expired. To rework a Foucauldian insight, unity by anything other than consent exists in twentieth century republican thought like a fish in water: unable to breathe anywhere else. Which suggests a complete change in the northern nationalist Zeitgeist.

What we are witnessing in the Northern political landscape is not a rush towards a united Ireland, but a reconfiguring of the internal solution, with constitutional nationalism in the ascendancy and constitutional unionism on the backfoot. It neither delays by a day nor brings closer by a day a partition-free country. Its significance. however, should not be understated. Go no further than the succinctness of Sam McBride:

Bluntly, more of the voters who die are unionist; more of the voters who join the electoral register are nationalist. This is a structural problem for unionism which it is not even beginning to address.

While McBride was subject to some gratuitously snide comments from elements of the constitutional nationalist commentariat – nostrils still flaring at being disagreed with - his allegorical illusion to the maternity wards of 1998 illuminates a deeper point: demographics, less so strategy, is driving the change.

In 1993 the UDA after killing a number of nationalist non-combatants made the chilling statement it’s still only Thursday. Last Thursday saw it thrown back at them in spades. The bombed and battered children of Holy Cross Primary School have come of voting age.

Follow on Twitter @AnthonyMcIntyre.

It's Still Only Thursday

Anthony McIntyre ☠ Thursday past saw the two big beasts of the North’s political jungle square up to each other in the local council elections.

Constitutional nationalism was such a hot favourite to come out on top that some within constitutional unionism feared that, already on the ropes, it might even end up on the canvas. It wasn’t to be. The DUP are not down for the count but still lost the count, Sinn Fein securing a huge points victory. As Sam McBride pointed out: 'Never has a nationalist party won the most seats, yet here Sinn Féin did so handsomely.'

A Shinner with whom I chat on Twitter told me as the count was unfolding that he felt the party was on course to do well. He wasn’t being triumphalist, just trying to project trends. I confess these days to not having nearly as much interest in any of it, certainly nothing like the passion of old. I plead guilty to being more of a secularist than a separatist, probably a heretical position to the traditionalist, even worse to the purist. That’s what living outside the North for the past sixteen years does. The only result I heard was that of an old friend, Sean McGlinchey, topping the poll and being elected on the first count. I felt chuffed for him, but it is personal, not political.

I neither support nor vote Sinn Fein, but I much prefer to see the northern nationalist electorate have its candidates returned than I would its unionist counterpart. When I expressed such sentiments to a republican friend today, he suggested it might be a sectarian view of things. I don’t believe it is. Given what northern nationalists experienced in the past at the hands of the British state and political unionism, coupled with the present contemptuous application of the unionist veto, blocking Michelle O’Neill from assuming the First Minister position, it would be asking the impossible of me to want to see the DUP triumph over Sinn Fein. It would be churlish and spiteful, anything but political, a sort of nationalists must wait until they all agree with me position. I count myself fortunate not to be blighted with that religious mindset that wants to see fire and brimstone rain down on those who do not share my views about Sinn Fein. The people have voted, the bastards.

Some republican critics of Sinn Fein seem to have been upset by the party’s success, annoyed that its careerist and Animal Farm types have profited from the years of republican struggle which they have jettisoned much like a booster rocket is allowed to fall to earth upon reaching booster engine cut-off point, while the main vessel heads off on a course it long abjured. That’s fine so long as disdain for Sinn Fein the party does not extend to contempt for the Sinn Fein electorate.

Republicans might bristle, but that electorate has endorsed the internal solution Sinn Fein accepted when it signed up to the Good Friday Agreement. It has embraced the constitutionalist nationalist formula of unity only by consent, previously described by Gerry Adams as a partitionist fudge. It has overwhelmingly renounced the republican position of unity by coercion.

Many years ago I arrived at the conclusion that the republican project had expired. To rework a Foucauldian insight, unity by anything other than consent exists in twentieth century republican thought like a fish in water: unable to breathe anywhere else. Which suggests a complete change in the northern nationalist Zeitgeist.

What we are witnessing in the Northern political landscape is not a rush towards a united Ireland, but a reconfiguring of the internal solution, with constitutional nationalism in the ascendancy and constitutional unionism on the backfoot. It neither delays by a day nor brings closer by a day a partition-free country. Its significance. however, should not be understated. Go no further than the succinctness of Sam McBride:

Bluntly, more of the voters who die are unionist; more of the voters who join the electoral register are nationalist. This is a structural problem for unionism which it is not even beginning to address.

While McBride was subject to some gratuitously snide comments from elements of the constitutional nationalist commentariat – nostrils still flaring at being disagreed with - his allegorical illusion to the maternity wards of 1998 illuminates a deeper point: demographics, less so strategy, is driving the change.

In 1993 the UDA after killing a number of nationalist non-combatants made the chilling statement it’s still only Thursday. Last Thursday saw it thrown back at them in spades. The bombed and battered children of Holy Cross Primary School have come of voting age.

Follow on Twitter @AnthonyMcIntyre.

16 comments:

  1. It is wonderful to see the Shinners doing so well. The DUP are an awful party and it is vital for the union that they fail. They are a collection of bigots, new earth creationists and homophobes who fail to see the big picture: that for the union to prevail Northern Ireland must be a great place for all to live. Naomi Long is doing more for the union than political unionism.

    ReplyDelete
    Replies
    1. it takes cojones to make that type of comment.

      They are a collection of bigots, new earth creationists and homophobes.

      Not much wrong with that.

      Even if they are a mirror image of SF in the way they do business, SF is not polluted with that toxic mush.

      I heard that Pat Sheehan was out telling the Irish Americans that there would be a border poll and a united Ireland by 2030. Even if there is a border poll by 2030 a united Ireland is most unlikely to result from it.

      I also wonder about the possibility that SF will concede to a growing pressure for a 60/40 outcome rather than the 50+1. There is nothing in their journey up to now that would make you believe there is no chance of that happening. They could try and repackage it as being generous to unionists.

      Delete
  2. Sectarian headcounts aside, the repackaging of the shinners has been a resounding success story it has to be said.

    ReplyDelete
  3. @ Peter, Stevie R

    Would you both rather see Sinn Fein in power than the DUP?

    And is it too much of a jump to see that power being exercised outwith the UK?

    Genuine questions. You both surprised me with your comments.

    ReplyDelete
    Replies
    1. Brandon,

      For me the Shinners have been far too aggressive in dealing with my community. That being said I could never vote for the duppers for reasons Peter has highlighted above.

      "And is it too much of a jump to see that power being exercised outwith the UK?"

      Not entirely sure what you mean?

      Delete
  4. @ Steve R

    If it came down to NI being governed by the DUP, OR some sort of new constitutional arrangement - a "new Ireland" - with Sinn Fein in government/part of a coalition, what would you go for?

    I hope Alliance start discussing the constitutional question.

    ReplyDelete
    Replies
    1. "If it came down to NI being governed by the DUP, OR some sort of new constitutional arrangement - a "new Ireland" - with Sinn Fein in government/part of a coalition, what would you go for?"

      The People have voted. SF are the majority so they should govern. Above all I want a democratic society with free speech protections. Hopefully this gives Unionism a kick up the arse too.

      Delete
  5. Here's that "still only Thursday" quote in full (from Balaclava Street):

    "We have the arms, the information and more than enough volunteers and the dedication is most certainly there as well. It is a terrible thing that anyone should lose their lives, but if you are talking in terms of success rates, yes, this week has been a success, and it’s still only Thursday."

    I've always suspected Ray Smallwoods as the man who said this. One of those whose killing was celebrated was Damien Walsh, a 17 year old on a work placement. An appalling murder, carried out by the dregs of Shankill Road society: https://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/news/northern-ireland/mum-of-murdered-catholic-boy-damien-walsh-secures-date-for-court-action-over-alleged-ruc-collusion-with-loyalist-terrorists/41297237.html

    ReplyDelete
    Replies
    1. Brandon - watched Spotlight last night. What jumped out most was the PSNI not passing on to a guy information that he could be killed. He was killed. The mindset that produced the collusion you allude to seems to be still operational within the force.

      Delete
  6. Brandon
    I hate SF with a passion, but the DUP more. I was an evangelical member of NI21 back in the day, as it aligned perfectly with my politics. Now I vote APNI or UUP depending on the election/candidate. Political unionism is in an awful state and that is bringing a border poll closer. The DUP/TUV/OO alliance world view needs to disappear and SF whipping their ass may just give unionism the push it needs to reform.

    ReplyDelete
    Replies
    1. Peter - I get your sentiment but whereas my kids were never prohibited from cursing when they were younger, they were always told not to use the word hate. I refrain from using it towards the DUP.

      Delete
  7. @ AM - I'll need to watch Spotlight. I try not to use the word collusion too often - it's become a loaded term that has lost its punch, I think. I think Damien Walsh's death probably could have been prevented, and his killers probably could have been brought to justice, but the same could be said of RUC officers killed by the IRA in that era.

    I watched Once Upon a Time in Northern Ireland. Quite enjoyed it.

    @ Peter

    Very interesting. NI21 seemed like a breath of fresh air, maybe a bit like Doug Beattie's vision but without the UUP's complicated legacy.

    ReplyDelete
    Replies
    1. I don't think collusion is a term we should ever dispense with. It has become so powerful that even the British government has not been able to avoid using it - see David Cameron in his "shocking levels of collusion" observation on the Pat Finucane killing.

      Delete
    2. Hardly shocking. If one side is desperately trying to annihilate the other it would be hard to see a scenario whereby collusion didn't occur. Doesn't make it right nor legal, but understandable.

      Delete
  8. There are clear operations brought about by state actors colluding at a corporate level with paramilitary actors, the Finucane murder is one of these. But captured within the bracket of "collusive activities" are a range of what seem to me to be tactical decisions taken on the ground without targeted killing in mind. To me they are different. One is political murder carried out by the state. The other is, to borrow a phrase again, as close to murder as you can get.

    ReplyDelete
  9. Collusive activities in my view still lie somewhere along the continuum of collusion.

    ReplyDelete