It is twenty-five years since the Good Friday Agreement. A new generation of republicans, in their chronological prime, must now address how that struggle can progress, devoid of any experience or empathy with the twenty-five years of struggle which preceded that pact.
This crucial distinction must be at the heart of all efforts to propagate the core republican message to this new generation. A central component of this process will be a thorough understanding of our target audience and their preferences and expectations for receiving news and information.
Media has and is changing. The dissemination of information, news and propaganda is also changing. The primary critique of any republican engagement with this new media will be the professionalism of our efforts. The merits and veracity of our position alone will not be enough.
Today, information is audio and visual. Text is no longer the first point of reference. Like an audiobook, the text is enacted to make it more accessible, and characterisation better understood. Republican policy documents and position papers need the same approach. The new generation have a technological expectation that those who wish to influence them have themselves a fluency in that technologies’ use.
If we view our message as product, then we more readily understand the importance of marketing if our product is to be successful. And if we accept this premise, we must recognise that all marketing is predicated on proper and detailed research.
Whilst the republican position, in the first instance that of self-determination and sovereignty, is distinct from the broad body politic on the island, it is generally accepted by this generation that those core issues are attainable over time by the positions of those who advocate the Good Friday Agreement as a political roadmap forward. In the absence of any effective and focussed republican opposition that viewpoint will continue to prevail.
To breakdown that general acceptance the republican position must be re-introduced to this generation where its contemporary relevance is prioritised over any past emotional attachment to it.
As stated earlier the manner in which we deliver and present the republican point of view will be vital to securing engagement from those whom we need to influence. Any attempt to circumvent or minimise any of the above criterion could only be described as an act of self-imposed censorship.
Another key factor in this changing era will be for republicans to add greater detail and weight as to what the sovereign republic we fight for will actually look like and how it will benefit our people across a wide variety of social functions.
In such an exact and descriptive media environment, broad stroke statements and generalities will not suffice. In parallel with our engagement with professionals on how we present our analysis we must equally engage with professional advice on policy formation. Appeals to history and ideology have their place but primarily we must communicate our understanding of contemporary society and its politics. Irish republicanism must present itself in prescriptive terms if political relevance is to be achieved.
Those at the coalface of social struggles, homelessness and addictions; those at the centre of health and housing planning are those we need to listen to first. And in turn, via the Republican Media Centre, we both integrate and disseminate that knowledge as part of an informed republican policy programme.
We must always have a national perspective. The counter democratic function of partition must always be exposed as the principle impediment to the democratic and social development of all the people on the island. Partition has been sanitised in the name of peace. For republicans this is a contradiction in terms. But this state of affairs cannot be simply dismissed or dealt with by throwing slogans at it.
The historical narrative of Irish republicanism cannot be reduced to a quote. An engagement with historians via modern media, video and podcast etc., is essential if our democratic argument for the ending of partition is to be given its true historical lineage.
Republican history is not merely a series of armed insurrections. Republicans ourselves are as guilty as any political revisionists in sustaining that stereotype. Irish republicanism are the ideas that preceded those armed expressions of Irish sovereignty. And it is precisely those ideas that a Republican Media Centre needs to resurrect and make common cause with contemporary republican thinking.
The Irish diaspora are not tangential to the republican struggle and the constitutional future of Ireland. They too are on the cusp of generational change but are even more susceptible to reformist narratives which seek to maintain the political status quo.
As Irish republicans we need to reorientate our relationship with the Irish diaspora. But this must be a two way street. A Republican Media Centre can ably facilitate this by having a direct input into the format and content of that media by representatives of that diaspora, irrespective of geography.
The purpose of this article is to contribute to a broader series of articles focussed on concrete proposals that can take Irish republicanism forward. Clearly the proposal above needs more attention to the nuts and bolts of it, not least the financial aspects. But it is achievable as it is necessary.
Media has and is changing. The dissemination of information, news and propaganda is also changing. The primary critique of any republican engagement with this new media will be the professionalism of our efforts. The merits and veracity of our position alone will not be enough.
Today, information is audio and visual. Text is no longer the first point of reference. Like an audiobook, the text is enacted to make it more accessible, and characterisation better understood. Republican policy documents and position papers need the same approach. The new generation have a technological expectation that those who wish to influence them have themselves a fluency in that technologies’ use.
If we view our message as product, then we more readily understand the importance of marketing if our product is to be successful. And if we accept this premise, we must recognise that all marketing is predicated on proper and detailed research.
Whilst the republican position, in the first instance that of self-determination and sovereignty, is distinct from the broad body politic on the island, it is generally accepted by this generation that those core issues are attainable over time by the positions of those who advocate the Good Friday Agreement as a political roadmap forward. In the absence of any effective and focussed republican opposition that viewpoint will continue to prevail.
To breakdown that general acceptance the republican position must be re-introduced to this generation where its contemporary relevance is prioritised over any past emotional attachment to it.
Through professional research and funding a Republican Media Centre should be established to pursue this objective. From the outset we must seek professional research and advice on the following:
- Target Audience & Media Preferences
- Online Advertising
- Media Training
- Website Construction & Design
- Online Marketing
- Social Media Use
- Podcast Presentation
- Video Presentation
- Blogging
- Interview Techniques
- Visual & Sound Equipment
- Finance & Subscription
Another key factor in this changing era will be for republicans to add greater detail and weight as to what the sovereign republic we fight for will actually look like and how it will benefit our people across a wide variety of social functions.
In such an exact and descriptive media environment, broad stroke statements and generalities will not suffice. In parallel with our engagement with professionals on how we present our analysis we must equally engage with professional advice on policy formation. Appeals to history and ideology have their place but primarily we must communicate our understanding of contemporary society and its politics. Irish republicanism must present itself in prescriptive terms if political relevance is to be achieved.
Those at the coalface of social struggles, homelessness and addictions; those at the centre of health and housing planning are those we need to listen to first. And in turn, via the Republican Media Centre, we both integrate and disseminate that knowledge as part of an informed republican policy programme.
We must always have a national perspective. The counter democratic function of partition must always be exposed as the principle impediment to the democratic and social development of all the people on the island. Partition has been sanitised in the name of peace. For republicans this is a contradiction in terms. But this state of affairs cannot be simply dismissed or dealt with by throwing slogans at it.
The historical narrative of Irish republicanism cannot be reduced to a quote. An engagement with historians via modern media, video and podcast etc., is essential if our democratic argument for the ending of partition is to be given its true historical lineage.
Republican history is not merely a series of armed insurrections. Republicans ourselves are as guilty as any political revisionists in sustaining that stereotype. Irish republicanism are the ideas that preceded those armed expressions of Irish sovereignty. And it is precisely those ideas that a Republican Media Centre needs to resurrect and make common cause with contemporary republican thinking.
The Irish diaspora are not tangential to the republican struggle and the constitutional future of Ireland. They too are on the cusp of generational change but are even more susceptible to reformist narratives which seek to maintain the political status quo.
As Irish republicans we need to reorientate our relationship with the Irish diaspora. But this must be a two way street. A Republican Media Centre can ably facilitate this by having a direct input into the format and content of that media by representatives of that diaspora, irrespective of geography.
The purpose of this article is to contribute to a broader series of articles focussed on concrete proposals that can take Irish republicanism forward. Clearly the proposal above needs more attention to the nuts and bolts of it, not least the financial aspects. But it is achievable as it is necessary.
🖼 Francie Mackey is a republican activist.
Francie - thanks for kicking this series of pieces off.
ReplyDeleteA thought out piece which throws up huge challenges for anybody considering taking the project on.
Having listened to others discuss your ideas, it seems that a media project equivalent to the quality of Gript but with a republican rather than a right wing content is the asking price of this one.
Excellent and vital initiative. I agree strongly with the sentiment contained. To setup a republican media centre on its own will be still niche. While it is an absolutely neccesary purpose, a strategic vision of multiple friendly ethical media channel alternatives is required both Republican and not in order to get messages to the public. Republicans will consume Republican media, that doesn't really help. Broad networking and conversations needed to develop this.
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