This relationship has not been, and is not, general throughout the whole of society, as among the working class there has always been support for Ireland's right to self-determination. There too has equally been opposition to this support from far-right groups which also continues to this day.
In 1796 an organisation called the United Englishmen was active. These were English radicals from the fledgling working class as the Industrial Revolution gathered momentum. A year later the United Scotsmen emerged under the leadership of Thomas Muir. The United Englishmen, and their Scottish counterparts were inspired by the United Irishmen (1791) and were an English republican movement who supported the United Irish rebellion of 1798 and were in regular correspondence with the organisation. The aims of the United Englishmen were, among many, the establishment of an English republic with French help, modelled very much on the United Irish model.
In 1864 the International Working Men’s Association, often referred to as the “First International” was formed holding its inaugural meeting at Saint James Hall, London. Its founding members were George Odger, Henri Tolain, Eugene Varlin, and Edward Spencer Beesly and perhaps their most famous activist was Karl Marx. Among their ranks were Irish radicals, possibly members of the secret Irish Republican Brotherhood, and part of their agenda was support for the Fenian movement, IRB in Ireland, and Ireland's right to self- determination. In 1867 the IWMA was instrumental in raising support for the Manchester Martyrs, William Philip Allen, Michael Larkin, and Michael O’Brien, three men hanged after the ”smashing of the van”.
In 1916 support throughout Britain for the Easter Rising particularly among the working-class was considerable, perhaps greater than the support for the rising in Ireland at the time. The Miners Federation of Great Britain (MFGB) forerunner of the NUM, was very vocal in its support for the Irish rebels and, in particular for James Connolly and the Irish Citizen Army. When the rising was crushed, many rebels were sent to the Frongoch Internment Camp in Wales and the republican prisoners were afforded POW status. This of course makes a mockery of the show trials after the Rising which executed sixteen Irish Republicans. Many Welsh people, particularly south Wales, were very supportive of the Irish prisoners of war.
In 1919 the Irish Self Determination League was formed in London with a membership peaking at around 20,000. Membership was confined to those of Irish birth and descent which in hindsight was probably a mistake as it was seen by many English supporters as elitist in some ways, though unintentionally. The ISDL had branches across Britain notably Manchester and Liverpool with large Irish communities. A little less known perhaps was the presence of the ISDL in the north-east, Newcastle and Durham, Tyneside, where the league was very active. Some members wanted to take a more active role than what the league in itself offered and a brigade of the Irish Republican Army (IRA) in the area was formed, consisting of men holding Geordie accents. Their motivation was the conviction that Ireland as a nation had been cruelly treated by England over the centuries. With the introduction in Ireland in 1920 of the Auxiliary Division, consisting entirely of retired British Army officers and the predominantly working class Black and Tans the Irish War of Independence intensified. The ISDL was confined chiefly, though not exclusively, to fundraising and distribution of Sinn Fein propaganda. At this point many ISDL members wanted to take more direct action through the IRA.
Although initially hesitant towards actions in Britain towards the end of 1920 IRA headquarters in Dublin decided to extend the war to Britain. Rory O’Connor became Director of Operations in Britain. One of the first attacks was in Liverpool where 20 large warehouses were attacked on November 20th 1920. Nine days later there was a large explosion and fire near London Bridge, and many more similar attacks took place. On Tyneside a branch of the ISDL was formed early in 1920 with Richard Purcell as President and Gilbert Barrington as Secretary. These two men would become prominent in the IRA on Tyneside. When the IRA brigade was formed it was unofficial but in November 1920 Liam McMahon was sent over from Dublin to administer the oath making the brigade official. Richard Purcell became the Officer Commanding, Gilbert Barrington the Quartermaster, and Joseph Connolly was the Adjutant. Barrington and Purcell were also members of the secret oath bound organisation the IRB. Women were not admitted into the IRA (unlike the Irish Citizen Army) but had, like in Ireland, their own organisation – Cumann na nBan (League of Women) which there was a branch in Jarrow headed by Cissie Brennan. Richard Purell was a former coal miner and Gilbert Barrington was an elementary school teacher at Saint Bede’s Catholic School in South Shields. He originated from Blackburn in Lancashire.
Their first task was to recruit more volunteers among local Irish sympathisers, not all of whom were Irish descent, and organise them into companies. Their largest company was in Jarrow (the same Jarrow as in the Jarrow march of the 1930s) which had more than 90 members. By the end of November six companies had been established, in Jarrow (A Company), Hebburn (B Company), Newcastle (C Company), Wallsend (D Company), Bedlington (E Company), and Cosset (F Company) with a total strength of around 160 men. Procurement of arms and other war materials, explosives, inflammable liquids, was also high on their list of priorities. On March 5th 1921 the unit went into action for the first time with incendiary attacks on a bonded warehouse and oil refinery in Newcastle, and a timber yard in Tyne Dock. The operation, like most attacks they carried out, was unsuccessful but carried great propaganda value. A second much more ambitious series of attacks were carried out on March 26th targeting farms spread out over a wide area of Northumberland, Durham, and north Yorkshire. The press tried to play down these attacks putting them down to arsonists randomly causing fires. There were 38 fires at 20 different locations all timed to commence at 8pm. Farms belonging to colliery companies were among the worst hit much to the delight of the local miners who were on strike at the time, giving rise to suspicion that Irish politics was not the only factor which played a part in the selection of these fires. Could there have been collusion between the MFGB and local IRA? Perhaps the most daring of attacks during this period was the blowing up of a gas main by the Jarrow Brigade on the old Don Bridge, now the Jarrow Bridge south Tyneside. The site of the explosion can still be seen today over 100 years later.
As most will be aware on July 9th 1921 a truce was agreed between the British Government and the IRA. The order was given by Richard Mulcahy, Chief of Staff, to cease military operations, but continue planning further operations should the truce break down. This included the IRA on Tyneside. The truce of July 1921 led to the “Terms of an Agreement”, which led to the treaty being signed in the early hours of 6th December 1921. The signing of these terms which led to the Anglo-Irish Treaty effectively ended the prospect of a resumption of military activities in Britain. Like in Ireland the treaty resulted in a split in Britain between pro and anti-treaty supporters. In Jarrow around 90 percent of the ISDL were anti-Treaty. Other areas like Mid-Durham were in favour of the treaty, which led to infighting at district level. Jarrow and a number of other branches boycotted an Irish Demonstration and Gala organised by the Mid-Durham ISDL on 7th August 1922. According to newspaper reports “fighting broke out” at this event between pro and anti-treaty sides with the supporters of de Valera hailing chiefly from Tyneside. “Smoke bombs were thrown and flags destroyed”. This trend of division was world wide among those groups who supported and worked towards Irish self-determination. In the United States John Devoy was against the Treaty but voted in favour of the terms simply because he hated de Valera who was anti-treaty. This should tell anybody much about the personalities involved, people who placed personal feelings and hatreds above the interests they are supposed to share. This is a trend which has plagued Irish republicanism throughout the ages. Little wonder we lost!
Some members of the Tyneside IRA volunteered for service in Ireland in the subsequent Civil War. One Geordie volunteer, Liam Ferris, who was transferred to the 5th Mullingar Brigade on 14th September 1922. He took part in a number of operations before being captured and he served the remainder of the war in Dundalk Jail. The pro and anti-Treaty arguments continued to split the Irish community in Britain but as the decade moved on the British working class as a whole in faced huge problems of their own, culminating in the 1926 General Strike. This strike was chiefly about the miners pay and conditions and the MFGB under the leadership of Arthur James Cook were forced to fight. Many of these miners, who were out for nine months, may well have been involved in the ISDL or even the Tyneside IRA.
In 1796 an organisation called the United Englishmen was active. These were English radicals from the fledgling working class as the Industrial Revolution gathered momentum. A year later the United Scotsmen emerged under the leadership of Thomas Muir. The United Englishmen, and their Scottish counterparts were inspired by the United Irishmen (1791) and were an English republican movement who supported the United Irish rebellion of 1798 and were in regular correspondence with the organisation. The aims of the United Englishmen were, among many, the establishment of an English republic with French help, modelled very much on the United Irish model.
In 1864 the International Working Men’s Association, often referred to as the “First International” was formed holding its inaugural meeting at Saint James Hall, London. Its founding members were George Odger, Henri Tolain, Eugene Varlin, and Edward Spencer Beesly and perhaps their most famous activist was Karl Marx. Among their ranks were Irish radicals, possibly members of the secret Irish Republican Brotherhood, and part of their agenda was support for the Fenian movement, IRB in Ireland, and Ireland's right to self- determination. In 1867 the IWMA was instrumental in raising support for the Manchester Martyrs, William Philip Allen, Michael Larkin, and Michael O’Brien, three men hanged after the ”smashing of the van”.
In 1916 support throughout Britain for the Easter Rising particularly among the working-class was considerable, perhaps greater than the support for the rising in Ireland at the time. The Miners Federation of Great Britain (MFGB) forerunner of the NUM, was very vocal in its support for the Irish rebels and, in particular for James Connolly and the Irish Citizen Army. When the rising was crushed, many rebels were sent to the Frongoch Internment Camp in Wales and the republican prisoners were afforded POW status. This of course makes a mockery of the show trials after the Rising which executed sixteen Irish Republicans. Many Welsh people, particularly south Wales, were very supportive of the Irish prisoners of war.
In 1919 the Irish Self Determination League was formed in London with a membership peaking at around 20,000. Membership was confined to those of Irish birth and descent which in hindsight was probably a mistake as it was seen by many English supporters as elitist in some ways, though unintentionally. The ISDL had branches across Britain notably Manchester and Liverpool with large Irish communities. A little less known perhaps was the presence of the ISDL in the north-east, Newcastle and Durham, Tyneside, where the league was very active. Some members wanted to take a more active role than what the league in itself offered and a brigade of the Irish Republican Army (IRA) in the area was formed, consisting of men holding Geordie accents. Their motivation was the conviction that Ireland as a nation had been cruelly treated by England over the centuries. With the introduction in Ireland in 1920 of the Auxiliary Division, consisting entirely of retired British Army officers and the predominantly working class Black and Tans the Irish War of Independence intensified. The ISDL was confined chiefly, though not exclusively, to fundraising and distribution of Sinn Fein propaganda. At this point many ISDL members wanted to take more direct action through the IRA.
Although initially hesitant towards actions in Britain towards the end of 1920 IRA headquarters in Dublin decided to extend the war to Britain. Rory O’Connor became Director of Operations in Britain. One of the first attacks was in Liverpool where 20 large warehouses were attacked on November 20th 1920. Nine days later there was a large explosion and fire near London Bridge, and many more similar attacks took place. On Tyneside a branch of the ISDL was formed early in 1920 with Richard Purcell as President and Gilbert Barrington as Secretary. These two men would become prominent in the IRA on Tyneside. When the IRA brigade was formed it was unofficial but in November 1920 Liam McMahon was sent over from Dublin to administer the oath making the brigade official. Richard Purcell became the Officer Commanding, Gilbert Barrington the Quartermaster, and Joseph Connolly was the Adjutant. Barrington and Purcell were also members of the secret oath bound organisation the IRB. Women were not admitted into the IRA (unlike the Irish Citizen Army) but had, like in Ireland, their own organisation – Cumann na nBan (League of Women) which there was a branch in Jarrow headed by Cissie Brennan. Richard Purell was a former coal miner and Gilbert Barrington was an elementary school teacher at Saint Bede’s Catholic School in South Shields. He originated from Blackburn in Lancashire.
Their first task was to recruit more volunteers among local Irish sympathisers, not all of whom were Irish descent, and organise them into companies. Their largest company was in Jarrow (the same Jarrow as in the Jarrow march of the 1930s) which had more than 90 members. By the end of November six companies had been established, in Jarrow (A Company), Hebburn (B Company), Newcastle (C Company), Wallsend (D Company), Bedlington (E Company), and Cosset (F Company) with a total strength of around 160 men. Procurement of arms and other war materials, explosives, inflammable liquids, was also high on their list of priorities. On March 5th 1921 the unit went into action for the first time with incendiary attacks on a bonded warehouse and oil refinery in Newcastle, and a timber yard in Tyne Dock. The operation, like most attacks they carried out, was unsuccessful but carried great propaganda value. A second much more ambitious series of attacks were carried out on March 26th targeting farms spread out over a wide area of Northumberland, Durham, and north Yorkshire. The press tried to play down these attacks putting them down to arsonists randomly causing fires. There were 38 fires at 20 different locations all timed to commence at 8pm. Farms belonging to colliery companies were among the worst hit much to the delight of the local miners who were on strike at the time, giving rise to suspicion that Irish politics was not the only factor which played a part in the selection of these fires. Could there have been collusion between the MFGB and local IRA? Perhaps the most daring of attacks during this period was the blowing up of a gas main by the Jarrow Brigade on the old Don Bridge, now the Jarrow Bridge south Tyneside. The site of the explosion can still be seen today over 100 years later.
As most will be aware on July 9th 1921 a truce was agreed between the British Government and the IRA. The order was given by Richard Mulcahy, Chief of Staff, to cease military operations, but continue planning further operations should the truce break down. This included the IRA on Tyneside. The truce of July 1921 led to the “Terms of an Agreement”, which led to the treaty being signed in the early hours of 6th December 1921. The signing of these terms which led to the Anglo-Irish Treaty effectively ended the prospect of a resumption of military activities in Britain. Like in Ireland the treaty resulted in a split in Britain between pro and anti-treaty supporters. In Jarrow around 90 percent of the ISDL were anti-Treaty. Other areas like Mid-Durham were in favour of the treaty, which led to infighting at district level. Jarrow and a number of other branches boycotted an Irish Demonstration and Gala organised by the Mid-Durham ISDL on 7th August 1922. According to newspaper reports “fighting broke out” at this event between pro and anti-treaty sides with the supporters of de Valera hailing chiefly from Tyneside. “Smoke bombs were thrown and flags destroyed”. This trend of division was world wide among those groups who supported and worked towards Irish self-determination. In the United States John Devoy was against the Treaty but voted in favour of the terms simply because he hated de Valera who was anti-treaty. This should tell anybody much about the personalities involved, people who placed personal feelings and hatreds above the interests they are supposed to share. This is a trend which has plagued Irish republicanism throughout the ages. Little wonder we lost!
Some members of the Tyneside IRA volunteered for service in Ireland in the subsequent Civil War. One Geordie volunteer, Liam Ferris, who was transferred to the 5th Mullingar Brigade on 14th September 1922. He took part in a number of operations before being captured and he served the remainder of the war in Dundalk Jail. The pro and anti-Treaty arguments continued to split the Irish community in Britain but as the decade moved on the British working class as a whole in faced huge problems of their own, culminating in the 1926 General Strike. This strike was chiefly about the miners pay and conditions and the MFGB under the leadership of Arthur James Cook were forced to fight. Many of these miners, who were out for nine months, may well have been involved in the ISDL or even the Tyneside IRA.
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Caoimhin O’Muraile is Independent Socialist Republican and Marxist |
Very informative piece
ReplyDeleteMy understanding is that multiple or repeated opinion polls on Irish unification conducted in the UK have consistently shown a majority support for a united Ireland for decades now. At least since the 1970s. If it were put on a UK-wide ballot, there would be a united Ireland tomorrow. It is not, in fact, the "democratic will" of the British people that partition should be maintained, and partition remains what it has always been - fundamentally or utterly "undemocratic." And of course, there was never any "democracy" in the Northern Ireland Orange State.
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