Gowain McKenna ✒ I really don’t know what people are talking about when they say a United Ireland is just around the corner or when they say that Brexit is the spark that the struggle for Irish Unity needs. 

Such talk is utter nonsense. Frankly, it is my view that we have never been as far away from Irish unity as we are now. The reasons for this are numerous and in this piece I will address what I believe to be the main causal factors, and then I will attempt to offer a strategy that may be efficacious to the struggle in modern day Ireland.


Amidst an anticipated heat wave and under an Irish sky thousands are set to land in Rossnowlagh Co. Donegal this weekend for ‘The Twelfth’ celebrations, and I am sure the Craic will be mighty so!

Thankfully, I am sure there will be a healthy level of animosity and bitterness in the adjacent town-lands of Ballyshannon and Bundoran towards the unfolding events. And maybe at the extreme end of things a few stones will be thrown, but I am sure most antics will just be confined to talk in pubs. Yet outside of this minority, and to my initial surprise, there is an extreme fear of Irish unity (and the ramifications thereof) from the vast majority of ordinary people in the South of Ireland. To explain, the imagery of the ‘black North’ is still at the forefront of most people’s minds, and these people will do anything to maintain the current status-quo. Indeed, on closer inspection many hard-line Irish Catholics and Gaelic speakers could very well-be closet Unionists, and without question there are many members of the Orange Order living and working happily in border counties in the South and beyond.

The truth is on this side of the border ordinary people are too comfortable to be bothered with the drastic changes that come from an amalgamation with ‘the black North.’ And conversely the same hesitation is very well felt by many in the North in respect to the South. In this way, there is no real thirst for radical change by the masses because such change can only bring with it an unacceptable level of risk and uncertainty for themselves and their families.

It is not unheard of for those in Irish republican circles in the North to consider Unionists and Loyalists to be dinosaurs or knuckle-draggers; yet that very same perception and label is directed at Irish republicans from a sizeable portion of people in the South of Ireland. Consequently, there is a startling disconnect and lack of understanding on the differences and nuances of the political landscape on both sides of the border by Irish republicans, and it is this lack of understanding that makes the attainment of Irish Unity an impossibility!

All one has to do is to look at how Sinn Féin operate North and South of the border. They (SF) may be an all-Ireland party but they are not stupid and are fully aware of the drastic differences in the electorate either side of the border. In this way, although the physical border and it’s infrastructure has long been confined to the past, the psychological border between North and South has never been stronger. And it is this psychological split that has allowed the British to implement Brexit with minimal interference or an implementation of a hard border.

♜ ♞   

So, under such testing circumstances how can Irish Unity be achieved in modern Ireland? Because it certainly cannot be done by the bomb or the gun, for such an outdated approach can only serve to exacerbate the existential division North and South.

Firstly, the concept of sectarianism must be dismantled. The governments on both sides of the border have an onus to educate the next generation accordingly. Namely, the key role Protestants had to play in the struggle for Irish freedom. Certainly in terms of the United Irishmen and rebellion of 1798, and the role Catholics played subverting their cause while working for the Crown in the Monaghan militia. Indeed, the battle cry at the battle of Antrim was ‘remember Orr’, and it can well be argued that the first Irish republican to be executed by British forces was the same William Orr in 1797 at Carrickfergus castle.

Furthermore, one would be hard pressed to find an Irish republican who has visited his grave at Templepatrick, a grave often dawned by an Easter Lily and located at the rear of a Unionist mansion. Nor is there much knowledge of Jemmy Hope, another Protestant United Irishman who is buried in Mallusk cemetery. It is of interest that the headstone of Hope was blown up by loyalists during the Troubles, such is their collective shame of having the blood of Irish rebels flowing through their veins! I find it astounding that such facts are not common knowledge, and school trips to such locations would surely be most beneficial. Such historical events, amongst more recent examples, must be conveyed to the next generation to eliminate any notion of future sectarianism. For the tradition of Irish republicanism or the concept of Irish unity have absolutely nothing to do with Catholicism or religion, rather it focuses on what is best for the country and for her people.
 

Next, and only when sectarian tendencies have long ended, all the people both North and South must meet on common ground to come to terms with the fact that the solution to their woes is in the complete removal of British influence in Ireland, to thereby give the people total control over their own affairs and way of life. Such common ground can only ever take shape on bread and butter issues that are shared by everyone, regardless of religion or race. It can never arise from an ‘Us versus Them’ mentality. Examples of such bread and butter issues would of course be housing, labour, healthcare, education and the freedom to celebrate one’s culture and one’s faith without fear of intimidation. Indeed, Unionists must be given their place at the table.

Finally, and in consideration of the aforementioned points, if the thirst for Irish Unity is to develop it must be sold differently to the masses on both sides of the border. It must cater to everyone, including Unionists and Irish republicans. Yet to achieve this a New Ireland is required that combines the best features of the Northern State and the Free State while upholding the vision set out in the 1916 proclamation. For example, an all Ireland national health service, affordable housing, a national curriculum and vastly improved labour rights would be a good start.

To conclude, could such circumstances really be the driving force behind the attainment of Irish Unity? Alas, I am afraid the answer is probably no. For it is just a foolish notion in my own head. The reality is that in the comfort of this modern bourgeois society the masses are not organised nor are they willing to be organised!

But make no mistake Ireland will be United, and when the time comes it will be under the most benign of circumstances. Cold hard logic tells me that it can only come when it is financially viable to the ruling class and the Irish and British economy. ‘This is the way the world ends - not with a bang but a whimper.’

⏩ Gowain McKenna is a writer, structural engineer (marine), musician, political theorist (and sometimes poet). His political compass is far-left moderate libertarian and identifies himself as an Irish Republican first and foremost and Connolly socialist second. He runs a blog The Road To No Town and he has three degrees in the field of aerospace engineering: - M.Phil M.Sc B.Eng (Hons)

The Black North & The Road To Irish Unity

Gowain McKenna ✒ I really don’t know what people are talking about when they say a United Ireland is just around the corner or when they say that Brexit is the spark that the struggle for Irish Unity needs. 

Such talk is utter nonsense. Frankly, it is my view that we have never been as far away from Irish unity as we are now. The reasons for this are numerous and in this piece I will address what I believe to be the main causal factors, and then I will attempt to offer a strategy that may be efficacious to the struggle in modern day Ireland.


Amidst an anticipated heat wave and under an Irish sky thousands are set to land in Rossnowlagh Co. Donegal this weekend for ‘The Twelfth’ celebrations, and I am sure the Craic will be mighty so!

Thankfully, I am sure there will be a healthy level of animosity and bitterness in the adjacent town-lands of Ballyshannon and Bundoran towards the unfolding events. And maybe at the extreme end of things a few stones will be thrown, but I am sure most antics will just be confined to talk in pubs. Yet outside of this minority, and to my initial surprise, there is an extreme fear of Irish unity (and the ramifications thereof) from the vast majority of ordinary people in the South of Ireland. To explain, the imagery of the ‘black North’ is still at the forefront of most people’s minds, and these people will do anything to maintain the current status-quo. Indeed, on closer inspection many hard-line Irish Catholics and Gaelic speakers could very well-be closet Unionists, and without question there are many members of the Orange Order living and working happily in border counties in the South and beyond.

The truth is on this side of the border ordinary people are too comfortable to be bothered with the drastic changes that come from an amalgamation with ‘the black North.’ And conversely the same hesitation is very well felt by many in the North in respect to the South. In this way, there is no real thirst for radical change by the masses because such change can only bring with it an unacceptable level of risk and uncertainty for themselves and their families.

It is not unheard of for those in Irish republican circles in the North to consider Unionists and Loyalists to be dinosaurs or knuckle-draggers; yet that very same perception and label is directed at Irish republicans from a sizeable portion of people in the South of Ireland. Consequently, there is a startling disconnect and lack of understanding on the differences and nuances of the political landscape on both sides of the border by Irish republicans, and it is this lack of understanding that makes the attainment of Irish Unity an impossibility!

All one has to do is to look at how Sinn Féin operate North and South of the border. They (SF) may be an all-Ireland party but they are not stupid and are fully aware of the drastic differences in the electorate either side of the border. In this way, although the physical border and it’s infrastructure has long been confined to the past, the psychological border between North and South has never been stronger. And it is this psychological split that has allowed the British to implement Brexit with minimal interference or an implementation of a hard border.

♜ ♞   

So, under such testing circumstances how can Irish Unity be achieved in modern Ireland? Because it certainly cannot be done by the bomb or the gun, for such an outdated approach can only serve to exacerbate the existential division North and South.

Firstly, the concept of sectarianism must be dismantled. The governments on both sides of the border have an onus to educate the next generation accordingly. Namely, the key role Protestants had to play in the struggle for Irish freedom. Certainly in terms of the United Irishmen and rebellion of 1798, and the role Catholics played subverting their cause while working for the Crown in the Monaghan militia. Indeed, the battle cry at the battle of Antrim was ‘remember Orr’, and it can well be argued that the first Irish republican to be executed by British forces was the same William Orr in 1797 at Carrickfergus castle.

Furthermore, one would be hard pressed to find an Irish republican who has visited his grave at Templepatrick, a grave often dawned by an Easter Lily and located at the rear of a Unionist mansion. Nor is there much knowledge of Jemmy Hope, another Protestant United Irishman who is buried in Mallusk cemetery. It is of interest that the headstone of Hope was blown up by loyalists during the Troubles, such is their collective shame of having the blood of Irish rebels flowing through their veins! I find it astounding that such facts are not common knowledge, and school trips to such locations would surely be most beneficial. Such historical events, amongst more recent examples, must be conveyed to the next generation to eliminate any notion of future sectarianism. For the tradition of Irish republicanism or the concept of Irish unity have absolutely nothing to do with Catholicism or religion, rather it focuses on what is best for the country and for her people.
 

Next, and only when sectarian tendencies have long ended, all the people both North and South must meet on common ground to come to terms with the fact that the solution to their woes is in the complete removal of British influence in Ireland, to thereby give the people total control over their own affairs and way of life. Such common ground can only ever take shape on bread and butter issues that are shared by everyone, regardless of religion or race. It can never arise from an ‘Us versus Them’ mentality. Examples of such bread and butter issues would of course be housing, labour, healthcare, education and the freedom to celebrate one’s culture and one’s faith without fear of intimidation. Indeed, Unionists must be given their place at the table.

Finally, and in consideration of the aforementioned points, if the thirst for Irish Unity is to develop it must be sold differently to the masses on both sides of the border. It must cater to everyone, including Unionists and Irish republicans. Yet to achieve this a New Ireland is required that combines the best features of the Northern State and the Free State while upholding the vision set out in the 1916 proclamation. For example, an all Ireland national health service, affordable housing, a national curriculum and vastly improved labour rights would be a good start.

To conclude, could such circumstances really be the driving force behind the attainment of Irish Unity? Alas, I am afraid the answer is probably no. For it is just a foolish notion in my own head. The reality is that in the comfort of this modern bourgeois society the masses are not organised nor are they willing to be organised!

But make no mistake Ireland will be United, and when the time comes it will be under the most benign of circumstances. Cold hard logic tells me that it can only come when it is financially viable to the ruling class and the Irish and British economy. ‘This is the way the world ends - not with a bang but a whimper.’

⏩ Gowain McKenna is a writer, structural engineer (marine), musician, political theorist (and sometimes poet). His political compass is far-left moderate libertarian and identifies himself as an Irish Republican first and foremost and Connolly socialist second. He runs a blog The Road To No Town and he has three degrees in the field of aerospace engineering: - M.Phil M.Sc B.Eng (Hons)

6 comments:

  1. "Firstly, the concept of sectarianism must be dismantled. The governments on both sides of the border have an onus to educate the next generation accordingly. Namely, the key role Protestants had to play in the struggle for Irish freedom. Certainly in terms of the United Irishmen and rebellion of 1798, and the role Catholics played subverting their cause while working for the Crown in the Monaghan militia. Indeed, the battle cry at the battle of Antrim was ‘remember Orr’, and it can well be argued that the first Irish republican to be executed by British forces was the same William Orr in 1797 at Carrickfergus castle."

    With respect, nothing will ever change when we use the past as justification no matter how well intentioned.

    "For the tradition of Irish republicanism or the concept of Irish unity have absolutely nothing to do with Catholicism or religion, rather it focuses on what is best for the country and for her people."

    Alas this also a hijacked principal. In the North it most certainly has been subverted so.

    "Next, and only when sectarian tendencies have long ended, all the people both North and South must meet on common ground to come to terms with the fact that the solution to their woes is in the complete removal of British influence in Ireland,"

    ...and now your missive is a non-starter. As much as a Nordy Shinner holds on to their "Irishness" the Northern PUL holds on to their British Identity. It's just so.

    Socialist ideals of Connolly and by extension Marx have lost their relevance in modern Ireland/UK with the expansive middle class. I appreciate your thoughts Gowain but as a dirty Hun I hope you take my points in the bonhomie they're intended.

    ReplyDelete
  2. Much of what Gowain says, and ideologically speaking, is correct in my view. 1798 is a critical point in history and essential for the education of the next generation. The radical, for the times, Protestant Whig leadership of the United Irishmen, which I thought was common knowledge which shows my ignorance, must be highlighted in the course of education. This points to the historical fact that Protestants have played a major role in the struggle for Irish liberation, and "breaking the connection with England".

    As for opinions on Irish unity in the 26 counties the only way to find out is ask the people, provided for in the GFA. An all Ireland poll would give us an answer to the question but not, perhaps, the problem.

    I would consider myself a "Connolly Socialist" first and as a result therefore an Irish Republican.

    Caoimhin O'Muraile

    ReplyDelete
  3. To comment on Steve Rs statement, "the concept of Irish unity have nothing to do with Catholicism or religion" I couldn't agree more. The first Free State Government, not my cup of tea, far from it, had a Protestant and Fermanagh Orangeman on its benches. Ernest Blythe was a Minister in Cosgraves first adminiatation of the Irish Free Sate. In the 1918 the first woman elected to the Westminster Parliament, Constance Markievicz, was of the Protestant faith.

    It is chiefly the OO who speak of, when convinient, historical events of the past and only these events which support their sextarian views. Remember Catholics are not allowed into the OO. Yes, whats best for the people? A fair point. Is it good for a sizable number, though far smaller than the days of yore, to remain as a western outpost of what is essentially an internal empire of the English bourgeoisie, is that good? I don't think so, the establishment over in England laugh about people treat so bad yet "are so intensley loyal" to the crown.

    Caoimhin O'Muraile

    ReplyDelete
  4. There's that weird thing about the OO again. It's a Protestant fraternal organisation, it's daft to complain it doesn't accept Catholics into It's ranks. It's not my thing and fuck knows there's loads else you can get to them about but stating that one as a pejorative always seems lazy to me.

    ReplyDelete
  5. They are a sectarian organisation, no escaping that, and if we strive for a sectarian free Ireland, as republicans do, not only pretending like some and not very convincingly pretenders at that not to be sectarian, the OO must change this aspect of policy. Can women join? Once upon a time it was a WASP male only organisation. Personally I would not want to join such an organisation, with fake religious connotations. They are just like their Catholic counterparts, tha AOH, I wouldn't join them either.

    Of course there's loads else to get them on, but its not hunt the OO for the sake of it. I mention sectarianism because it has always been a barrier, and in the case of elements within the OO still is to unification. It will happen, perhaps later rather than sooner, but who knows? Some in the loyalist community have already said they'd always, irrespective of any"vote" fight against a united Ireland. In their case, so much for democracy.

    Caoimhin O'Muraile

    ReplyDelete
    Replies
    1. "They are a sectarian organisation, no escaping that,"

      Yes but can a Protestant be a Catholic priest? My point is that they are set up to 'be' a Protestant fraternity. Just seems lazy to me to call them that

      And would you want to be a member of any club that would have you as a member? lol

      Delete