During the 1913/14 Dublin strike and lockout women workers and supporters, similar to those involved with the British Coal Miners' strike seventy years later, played a prominent role.
The soup kitchens were staffed by women volunteers which, oddly in many ways, cut across the class lines as Constance [Countess] Markievicz was testament. They also had their own martyr to the labour movement, sixteen-year-old Alice Brady. Alice was a member and activist in the Irish Women Workers Union, led by Delia Larkin the sister of the ITGWU leader Jim Larkin, and had she lived it is extremely likely would have become one of the better-known women activists in the Irish Labour Movement. At her funeral on 4th January 1914 the IWWU mounted an impressive show of strength with upwards of 500 activists in attendance.
Alice was born in Dublin 1898, into a working-class family the eldest of six children, of which four survived infancy. Alice lived with her parents, Michael and Elizabeth Brady and her siblings at 21 Luke Street, Dublin. She was employed at Jacobs Biscuit Factory whose workers were among the last to return to work when the lockout/strike ended. Alice was among those who died as a result of the labour upheaval surrounding the dispute, along with many others perhaps most notably were James Nolan and John Byrne killed by a police baton charge on 30th August 1913. What, apart from her gender, stood out in the case of Alice Brady’s death was her age. She was just sixteen years old!
The lockout/strike involved over 20,000 workers either locked out of their employment or were out on strike in sympathy which relative to the times and population of Dublin was a huge number. Take into account the dependents of these workers and the magnitude of the struggle becomes a little clearer. In 1911 the population of Dublin was 172,394 which included the workers out of employment for the duration and their families. In those days families were large so multiply those on strike by at least five and a figure of 100,000 people affected, especially through food shortages would be nearer the mark. Alice was active in the IWWU (something sadly lacking in today’s trade union movement, the involvement of younger people) and like James Nolan and John Byrne before her the dispute would cost her dearly fighting for working-class rights and dignity.
The employers used scab labour to carry out the duties of the locked out and striking workers in an effort to bring the conflict to a conclusion on their terms. These scabs the employers armed, apparently perfectly legally, with small arms supposedly for defensive purposes. It was an armed scab who was to cost Alice Brady her life. There were many examples of scabs shooting at pickets like the incident which happened when a scab, for no apparent reason, shot at pickets on Sheriff Street in Dublin’s north inner city. ‘The scab was fined £2.00 which was probably paid by his employers, as was often the case. In contrast an ITGWU member who was before the magistrate accused of tripping up a DCTU (Dublin United Tramways Company) cleaner was thrown into prison for a month!’ (Striking Similarities Kevin Morley P81).
Alice was born in Dublin 1898, into a working-class family the eldest of six children, of which four survived infancy. Alice lived with her parents, Michael and Elizabeth Brady and her siblings at 21 Luke Street, Dublin. She was employed at Jacobs Biscuit Factory whose workers were among the last to return to work when the lockout/strike ended. Alice was among those who died as a result of the labour upheaval surrounding the dispute, along with many others perhaps most notably were James Nolan and John Byrne killed by a police baton charge on 30th August 1913. What, apart from her gender, stood out in the case of Alice Brady’s death was her age. She was just sixteen years old!
The lockout/strike involved over 20,000 workers either locked out of their employment or were out on strike in sympathy which relative to the times and population of Dublin was a huge number. Take into account the dependents of these workers and the magnitude of the struggle becomes a little clearer. In 1911 the population of Dublin was 172,394 which included the workers out of employment for the duration and their families. In those days families were large so multiply those on strike by at least five and a figure of 100,000 people affected, especially through food shortages would be nearer the mark. Alice was active in the IWWU (something sadly lacking in today’s trade union movement, the involvement of younger people) and like James Nolan and John Byrne before her the dispute would cost her dearly fighting for working-class rights and dignity.
The employers used scab labour to carry out the duties of the locked out and striking workers in an effort to bring the conflict to a conclusion on their terms. These scabs the employers armed, apparently perfectly legally, with small arms supposedly for defensive purposes. It was an armed scab who was to cost Alice Brady her life. There were many examples of scabs shooting at pickets like the incident which happened when a scab, for no apparent reason, shot at pickets on Sheriff Street in Dublin’s north inner city. ‘The scab was fined £2.00 which was probably paid by his employers, as was often the case. In contrast an ITGWU member who was before the magistrate accused of tripping up a DCTU (Dublin United Tramways Company) cleaner was thrown into prison for a month!’ (Striking Similarities Kevin Morley P81).
Let’s get one thing straight; we were not then and are not now all equal before the law, no matter what crap the establishment spew out at us. On 18th December 1913 an incident occurred which young Alice was not directly involved. A crowd made up mainly of women began shouting at and heckling men who were strike-breaking, like in the Miners' Strike seventy years later, only as women can. Some of the women picked up pieces of coal scattered in the road and began throwing them at the scabs. A frightened horse bolted with its load causing a certain amount of limited panic, possibly exaggerated by the establishment in an attempt to justify a scab's actions. An armed scab, Patrick Traynor, fired two shots into the crowd with no justification before the forces of so-called law and order intervened. Alice Brady, who had been at Liberty Hall collecting a food parcel and walked into the anti-scab heckling, was hit in the wrist and Traynor was arrested. Alice’s injuries, mild to start with, were to develop tetanus which would result in her death in Saint Patrick Duns Hospital, Dublin, a few weeks later, 1st January 1914.
The funeral of Alice Brady took place on 4th January 1914 at Glasnevin Cemetery and thousands lined the route and an equal number followed the cortege to Glasnevin. Here James Connolly delivered an oration, as did Jim Larkin, containing the following sentiment; ‘every scab and every employer of scab labour in Dublin is morally responsible for the death of the young girl we have just buried’ (Striking Similarities P.82). There was no outpouring of grief from the employers, not even a rethink about the advisability of arming scabs (though Traynor had purchased his own weapon). The employers saw no reason to even apologise for the death of the young girl, it was/is their world, their rules and their system and their laws, the rest of us are tolerated as cannon fodder in war time and factory fodder in times of peace.
The funeral of Alice Brady took place on 4th January 1914 at Glasnevin Cemetery and thousands lined the route and an equal number followed the cortege to Glasnevin. Here James Connolly delivered an oration, as did Jim Larkin, containing the following sentiment; ‘every scab and every employer of scab labour in Dublin is morally responsible for the death of the young girl we have just buried’ (Striking Similarities P.82). There was no outpouring of grief from the employers, not even a rethink about the advisability of arming scabs (though Traynor had purchased his own weapon). The employers saw no reason to even apologise for the death of the young girl, it was/is their world, their rules and their system and their laws, the rest of us are tolerated as cannon fodder in war time and factory fodder in times of peace.
Traynor was charged initially with murder, but he had no need to worry. This would be reduced, first to manslaughter then to discharging a firearm. When he finally came before Mr Justice Dodd and a jury the charge had been reduced yet again to one of “causing the girl’s death as a result of a revolver shot”. No more mention of murder or manslaughter or even discharging a firearm. The jury, made up of property owners found no charge to answer against Traynor and the police gave evidence in his defence. The defence claimed that Alice Brady died of tetanus, which was perfectly true, the question was, what caused the tetanus? It certainly was not biting her fingernails! Patrick Traynor was discharged with no further questions asked.
Mr Justice Dodd was not the worst of the establishment’s representatives, though none of them were/are of any use to the working-class, and he did call for regulation - though this would not apply to Traynor: he was a free man - to curb the employer’s ability to arm scabs. However, it did not mean that this “call for regulation” would result in said “regulation” being applied. In theory Dodd was trying, or at least trying to be seen, as attempting to save citizens lives.
On the same day as Alice Brady was shot, 18th December, a meeting was taking place between the joint labour boards representatives and the trade unions. An agreement was cobbled together which represented a huge shift by the unions regarding the reinstatement of all union members. This “agreement” was more like a betrayal and Jim Larkin called on union rank and file members to repudiate what he saw as a betrayal and sell out by the TUC, calling it “a black and foul conspiracy”. While this “agreement” was being ironed out a few streets away scabs were shooting at people, as Alice Brady to her cost lay testament.
Tragically today very little is in evidence to Alice Brady, tipped by Connolly to be one of the greatest women “in the cause of freedom” had she lived. Monuments have been erected to other martyrs of the Dublin Lockout and a bridge has been named after Rosie Hackett, who was heavily involved in the lockout and the ITGWU. Rosie was also a member of the Irish Citizen Army and fought in the Easter rising of 1916, and it is fitting a bridge is erected in her memory, not a stones throw away from Luke Street where Alice Brady lived with her parents and siblings. It would be equally as fitting to have some monument or recognition to the sixteen-year-old girl who gave up everything, including her future, for the cause of freedom and working-class dignity, Alice Brady (Ailise O’Bradaigh).
Mr Justice Dodd was not the worst of the establishment’s representatives, though none of them were/are of any use to the working-class, and he did call for regulation - though this would not apply to Traynor: he was a free man - to curb the employer’s ability to arm scabs. However, it did not mean that this “call for regulation” would result in said “regulation” being applied. In theory Dodd was trying, or at least trying to be seen, as attempting to save citizens lives.
On the same day as Alice Brady was shot, 18th December, a meeting was taking place between the joint labour boards representatives and the trade unions. An agreement was cobbled together which represented a huge shift by the unions regarding the reinstatement of all union members. This “agreement” was more like a betrayal and Jim Larkin called on union rank and file members to repudiate what he saw as a betrayal and sell out by the TUC, calling it “a black and foul conspiracy”. While this “agreement” was being ironed out a few streets away scabs were shooting at people, as Alice Brady to her cost lay testament.
Tragically today very little is in evidence to Alice Brady, tipped by Connolly to be one of the greatest women “in the cause of freedom” had she lived. Monuments have been erected to other martyrs of the Dublin Lockout and a bridge has been named after Rosie Hackett, who was heavily involved in the lockout and the ITGWU. Rosie was also a member of the Irish Citizen Army and fought in the Easter rising of 1916, and it is fitting a bridge is erected in her memory, not a stones throw away from Luke Street where Alice Brady lived with her parents and siblings. It would be equally as fitting to have some monument or recognition to the sixteen-year-old girl who gave up everything, including her future, for the cause of freedom and working-class dignity, Alice Brady (Ailise O’Bradaigh).
It is a little over one hundred years ago since young Alice succumbed to tetanus as a result of being shot by a scab! She died on 1st January 1914 in Saint Patrick Duns Hospital, Dublin.
 |
Caoimhin O’Muraile is Independent Socialist Republican and Marxist |
Great piece Caoimhin. 16 years of age and stripped of everything but her dignity.
ReplyDeleteAnother great odyssey into labour history, Caoimhin. It is good to see you restoring Alice Brady to the pantheon of labour heroes and heroines.
ReplyDeleteShared it on my Facebook page, good work Caoimhin
ReplyDelete