Today marks The Glorious Twelfth, the high point of the exclusively Protestant Orange Order’s marching season. Political commentator, Dr John Coulter, examines the concept if Boyne commemorations could ever become as inclusive celebrations as Christmas and Easter.

John Coulter at the Battle of the Boyne
Visitors Centre at Oldbridge in Co Meath.  
In spite of the challenges created by the Covid pandemic, subject to restrictions, the Orange Order will be marking the anniversary of Protestant King William’s victory at the River Boyne over his Catholic father in law, James, with a series of localised parades.

There will be no platform proceedings at the so-called ‘demonstration fields’ as took place in 2019 pre-Covid.

Ireland, north and south, has suffered greatly because of the pandemic, and the experts are now warning us that we are in a fourth wave because of the so-called Delta variant.

Again, in spite of all the death and tragedy which the pandemic has inflicted on this island, can there be lessons which the Orange Order’s ruling body, the Grand Lodge of Ireland, can take from organising parades if, as a society, we have to face the reality of ‘living with Covid’?

My late father, Rev Dr Robert Coulter MBE, served as a Deputy Imperial Grand Chaplain in both the Orange and its senior order, the Royal Black Institution. Indeed, in the 1980s, he served a three-year term as Assistant Sovereign Grand Master of the Black.

In these various Loyal Order roles, he would make frequent trips to the Republic of Ireland to preach at annual divine services in churches. Likewise, as a Presbyterian minister, he also preached in numerous churches across the Donegal Presbytery for several years.

In spite of the legion of Loyal Order events he attended during his lifetime, there was one occasion he chatted about perhaps the most to me - the annual pre-Twelfth demonstration at Rossnowlagh in County Donegal.

The Rossnowlagh demonstration was held in that picturesque coastal village on the Saturday before 12 July and was hosted by the Southern Irish border county lodges to allow them to attend the main Twelfth demonstrations in Northern Ireland on 12 July itself.

The parade route was neither long nor contentious. In my various writings on the event, I have often referred to it as the ‘Donegal Dander.’

Pipe and silver bands, rather than the traditional Northern-based flute bands - often known as blood and thunder bands - are the order of the day. There are no political speeches, and the platform proceedings take the form of a purely religious service.

And no trip to the Rossnowlagh ‘Twelfth’ would be complete without an ice cream and another dander along the village’s beautiful beach.

In spite of the long drive from our home in the County Antrim hills to Rossnowlagh as dad was the guest preacher that Saturday, dad and I could not fail to appreciate the relaxed family atmosphere of the Rossnowlagh ‘demonstration.’

Perhaps this is the reason, pre-Covid, that the Rossnowlagh event has grown in popularity over the decades as an increasing number of Northerners have attended the County Donegal Grand Orange Lodge’s prestigious ‘outing’.

One of the hallmark phrases of the Troubles has been ‘contentious parades’. From time to time, all the organisations which comprise the Loyal Orders - Orange, Black and Apprentice Boys - have all had to deal with opposition to parade routes. Indeed, Drumcree in Portadown, which began in 1995, has still not been resolved.

My own political ideology of Revolutionary Unionism, which I have been developing since 1994, focuses on trying to get Unionism and Loyalism to ‘think outside the box’ and recognise its Southern Irish heritage, culture and historical identity.

In short, could the ‘Rossnowlagh Model’ be used as a blueprint, not just for future parades in Northern Ireland, but to increase the number of Loyal Order parades in the Republic of Ireland? The two key pillars of the success of Rossnowlagh are a short parade route, and only a religious service.

The vast majority of Unionists and Loyalists view the Northern Ireland Protocol as a threat to their British identity. But for generations, many of those same Unionists and Loyalists have seemingly ignored their rich Southern Irish culture.

Put bluntly, half of the key battles referred to in that famous marching tune, The Sash, took place in Southern Ireland. The Boyne of 1690 was at County Meath, while the decisive and exceptionally bloody battle of Aughrim in July 1691 was fought in County Galway.

Again put bluntly, how many Unionists and Loyalists have regularly visited - or even once - the excellent Battle of the Boyne Visitors Centre at Oldbridge in Co Meath.

As a location for a fantastic family fun day out, the River Boyne, and especially the facilities of the visitors centre is exceptionally highly rated.

Ironically, it was only the smaller Independent Orange Order which managed to stage a parade at the Boyne to mark the Tercentenary of the battle some years ago.

If the Orange’s ruling body calls itself the Grand Lodge of Ireland, then it should be giving more recognition to organising Rossnowlagh-style parades south of the Irish Border. Could the ‘Donegal Dander’ being one way of making the Twelfth celebrations more inclusive for all sections of the community?

The challenge for the Orders is not just to make their parades more inclusive to a nationalist audience, but also to the increasingly liberal progressive section of Protestantism, as well as the growing ethnic communities within the island of Ireland.

In the Eighties, I recall reporting on the meeting of the Grand Black Chapter of the British Commonwealth at Lurgan in County Armagh at which representatives from the Royal Black Institution from the African states of Togo and Ghana were present.

Many Unionists and Loyalists seem to conveniently forget that King Billy’s elite troops at the Boyne were the Dutch Royal Blues, who were predominantly Catholic.

When the pope of the day, Alexander the Eighth, heard about William’s victory at the Boyne, he ordered a Te Deum to be commemorated at the Vatican as the Williamite victory firmly put the brakes on the tyrant Catholic King Louis of France’s ambitions to overthrow the Papacy.

Even William delayed his army’s advance on Dublin after the Boyne victory to allow time for his Catholic opponent, King James, to escape Ireland.

The Williamite campaign in Ireland paved the way for modern parliamentary democracy across the British Isles, a campaign known as the Glorious Revolution, much of which was achieved in what is Southern Ireland today.

Historically, it ended the tyrannical rule of Absolute Monarchy in Great Britain, and in Europe, it saved the Papacy from annihilation by the dictator Louis of France.

Pre-Covid, the traditional Sham Fight re-enactment of the Boyne battle in the Northern village of Scarva each 13 July is known to attract some 60,000 participants and spectators as the traditional marching season switches from events staged by the Orange to those of the Black.

In helping the economy of the island recover in a post Covid society, how much money could be generated for local businesses if another Sham Fight could be staged annually at Oldbridge in County Meath?

In spite of the pain of the pandemic, the Loyal Orders have been reached a gift horse on a plate in the battle to make their events more inclusive - culturally, historically, spiritually, and family-wise. Hopefully, they will have the good sense to seize this opportunity and implement a future ‘Rossnowagh Model.’ 

Follow Dr John Coulter on Twitter @JohnAHCoulter
Listen to commentator Dr John Coulter’s programme, Call In Coulter, every Saturday morning around 10.15 am on Belfast’s Christian radio station, Sunshine 1049 FM. Listen online

Can A Totally Inclusive Twelfth Ever Be Accomplished?

Today marks The Glorious Twelfth, the high point of the exclusively Protestant Orange Order’s marching season. Political commentator, Dr John Coulter, examines the concept if Boyne commemorations could ever become as inclusive celebrations as Christmas and Easter.

John Coulter at the Battle of the Boyne
Visitors Centre at Oldbridge in Co Meath.  
In spite of the challenges created by the Covid pandemic, subject to restrictions, the Orange Order will be marking the anniversary of Protestant King William’s victory at the River Boyne over his Catholic father in law, James, with a series of localised parades.

There will be no platform proceedings at the so-called ‘demonstration fields’ as took place in 2019 pre-Covid.

Ireland, north and south, has suffered greatly because of the pandemic, and the experts are now warning us that we are in a fourth wave because of the so-called Delta variant.

Again, in spite of all the death and tragedy which the pandemic has inflicted on this island, can there be lessons which the Orange Order’s ruling body, the Grand Lodge of Ireland, can take from organising parades if, as a society, we have to face the reality of ‘living with Covid’?

My late father, Rev Dr Robert Coulter MBE, served as a Deputy Imperial Grand Chaplain in both the Orange and its senior order, the Royal Black Institution. Indeed, in the 1980s, he served a three-year term as Assistant Sovereign Grand Master of the Black.

In these various Loyal Order roles, he would make frequent trips to the Republic of Ireland to preach at annual divine services in churches. Likewise, as a Presbyterian minister, he also preached in numerous churches across the Donegal Presbytery for several years.

In spite of the legion of Loyal Order events he attended during his lifetime, there was one occasion he chatted about perhaps the most to me - the annual pre-Twelfth demonstration at Rossnowlagh in County Donegal.

The Rossnowlagh demonstration was held in that picturesque coastal village on the Saturday before 12 July and was hosted by the Southern Irish border county lodges to allow them to attend the main Twelfth demonstrations in Northern Ireland on 12 July itself.

The parade route was neither long nor contentious. In my various writings on the event, I have often referred to it as the ‘Donegal Dander.’

Pipe and silver bands, rather than the traditional Northern-based flute bands - often known as blood and thunder bands - are the order of the day. There are no political speeches, and the platform proceedings take the form of a purely religious service.

And no trip to the Rossnowlagh ‘Twelfth’ would be complete without an ice cream and another dander along the village’s beautiful beach.

In spite of the long drive from our home in the County Antrim hills to Rossnowlagh as dad was the guest preacher that Saturday, dad and I could not fail to appreciate the relaxed family atmosphere of the Rossnowlagh ‘demonstration.’

Perhaps this is the reason, pre-Covid, that the Rossnowlagh event has grown in popularity over the decades as an increasing number of Northerners have attended the County Donegal Grand Orange Lodge’s prestigious ‘outing’.

One of the hallmark phrases of the Troubles has been ‘contentious parades’. From time to time, all the organisations which comprise the Loyal Orders - Orange, Black and Apprentice Boys - have all had to deal with opposition to parade routes. Indeed, Drumcree in Portadown, which began in 1995, has still not been resolved.

My own political ideology of Revolutionary Unionism, which I have been developing since 1994, focuses on trying to get Unionism and Loyalism to ‘think outside the box’ and recognise its Southern Irish heritage, culture and historical identity.

In short, could the ‘Rossnowlagh Model’ be used as a blueprint, not just for future parades in Northern Ireland, but to increase the number of Loyal Order parades in the Republic of Ireland? The two key pillars of the success of Rossnowlagh are a short parade route, and only a religious service.

The vast majority of Unionists and Loyalists view the Northern Ireland Protocol as a threat to their British identity. But for generations, many of those same Unionists and Loyalists have seemingly ignored their rich Southern Irish culture.

Put bluntly, half of the key battles referred to in that famous marching tune, The Sash, took place in Southern Ireland. The Boyne of 1690 was at County Meath, while the decisive and exceptionally bloody battle of Aughrim in July 1691 was fought in County Galway.

Again put bluntly, how many Unionists and Loyalists have regularly visited - or even once - the excellent Battle of the Boyne Visitors Centre at Oldbridge in Co Meath.

As a location for a fantastic family fun day out, the River Boyne, and especially the facilities of the visitors centre is exceptionally highly rated.

Ironically, it was only the smaller Independent Orange Order which managed to stage a parade at the Boyne to mark the Tercentenary of the battle some years ago.

If the Orange’s ruling body calls itself the Grand Lodge of Ireland, then it should be giving more recognition to organising Rossnowlagh-style parades south of the Irish Border. Could the ‘Donegal Dander’ being one way of making the Twelfth celebrations more inclusive for all sections of the community?

The challenge for the Orders is not just to make their parades more inclusive to a nationalist audience, but also to the increasingly liberal progressive section of Protestantism, as well as the growing ethnic communities within the island of Ireland.

In the Eighties, I recall reporting on the meeting of the Grand Black Chapter of the British Commonwealth at Lurgan in County Armagh at which representatives from the Royal Black Institution from the African states of Togo and Ghana were present.

Many Unionists and Loyalists seem to conveniently forget that King Billy’s elite troops at the Boyne were the Dutch Royal Blues, who were predominantly Catholic.

When the pope of the day, Alexander the Eighth, heard about William’s victory at the Boyne, he ordered a Te Deum to be commemorated at the Vatican as the Williamite victory firmly put the brakes on the tyrant Catholic King Louis of France’s ambitions to overthrow the Papacy.

Even William delayed his army’s advance on Dublin after the Boyne victory to allow time for his Catholic opponent, King James, to escape Ireland.

The Williamite campaign in Ireland paved the way for modern parliamentary democracy across the British Isles, a campaign known as the Glorious Revolution, much of which was achieved in what is Southern Ireland today.

Historically, it ended the tyrannical rule of Absolute Monarchy in Great Britain, and in Europe, it saved the Papacy from annihilation by the dictator Louis of France.

Pre-Covid, the traditional Sham Fight re-enactment of the Boyne battle in the Northern village of Scarva each 13 July is known to attract some 60,000 participants and spectators as the traditional marching season switches from events staged by the Orange to those of the Black.

In helping the economy of the island recover in a post Covid society, how much money could be generated for local businesses if another Sham Fight could be staged annually at Oldbridge in County Meath?

In spite of the pain of the pandemic, the Loyal Orders have been reached a gift horse on a plate in the battle to make their events more inclusive - culturally, historically, spiritually, and family-wise. Hopefully, they will have the good sense to seize this opportunity and implement a future ‘Rossnowagh Model.’ 

Follow Dr John Coulter on Twitter @JohnAHCoulter
Listen to commentator Dr John Coulter’s programme, Call In Coulter, every Saturday morning around 10.15 am on Belfast’s Christian radio station, Sunshine 1049 FM. Listen online

12 comments:

  1. What a load of bs in the dying days of Orange supremacy by appealing to the subjugated to give the Orange Order a new lease of life. The only relevance groups like the OO has is in a historical context for its hatred and intolerance and not how it can maintain its existence.

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  2. I wouldn’t expect the KKK to get inclusive and apeal to Black people because It would Sound like a joke. Much like this article.

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  3. "The challenge for the Orders is not just to make their parades more inclusive to a nationalist audience, but also to the increasingly liberal progressive section of Protestantism, as well as the growing ethnic communities within the island of Ireland."

    Well, perhaps if they voluntarily rerouted parades to where they were wanted, vastly reduced the tragic phallic bonfire childishness, got rid of the Orange rules that led to former First Minister David Trimble being threatened with censure for attending a Catholic service (for a murder victim), expelled the bands with blatant links to paramilitaries, expelled current and former terrorists from their ranks, and maybe owned and apologised for the many deaths resulting from their "protests" including the Quinn brothers, burned to death 23 years ago this week.

    If they did all of that, then people might take them seriously.

    I won't hold my breath.

    The Orange Order is all about visible, public displays of might and domination. It's nonsense to think this could be inclusive without massive, structural, functional reform.

    The OO commissioned some top level lawyers to look into how them being denied access to the "Queen's Highway" was a breach of their human rights. The lawyers reported back that it wasn't. The OO didn't like that, so rejected their own expensive consultation and continued with their bloody, lethal, sectarian protests.

    Coulter does make some interesting points - Orange parades in the South aren't as toxic as the North. Nowhere near. I suppose the Catholic population of the South hasn't been subjected to the same levels of terrorism, intimidation and bigotry. A Northern solution would be required for the North.

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    Replies
    1. how would you respond to the retort that SF for example should reciprocate by expelling "former terrorists" from its ranks so that it might be taken more seriously by the type of people attracted to Orange culture? Can a one sided application of the principle really work?

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  4. I don't think the retort fits. Sinn Fein have never refused to talk to people because they were former terrorists: the Orange Order made a dogmatic principle of it, at Drumcree, and elsewhere. They did this while containing huge numbers of people convicted of terrorist crimes, and whilst some of their spokesmen refused to condemn violence and intimidation committed by terrorists against Catholics.

    The OO grandstand as a moral, law-abiding institution, when it is a significant factor in lawlessness, intimidation and anarchy.

    Sinn Fein are guilty of cynicism and hypocrisy of a grand scale, but not in this arena.

    To engage directly with the question, Sinn Fein would possibly have benefited from expelling certain personalities, or not having them feature as prominently. But I can't imagine Sinn Fein wanting to force a band honouring Thomas Begley in loyalist areas.

    It's an interesting point though, and one that I had to think about.

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    Replies
    1. Which leads to a further question - if the Orange Order were to talk, then it would be okay for it to retain the "former terrorists" in its ranks? I'm wondering what the objective is - the expulsion of the "former terrorists" or to engage in talks.
      If SF is only to divest itself of certain personalities, would it be any different for the Orange Order?
      There are many Unionists who would view the very honouring of Thomas Begley as a hate crime. As someone who shouldered his coffin, I do not. But the perception is no less real for that. Even by discussing Thomas Begley, we are bringing a very narrow "scenes of crime" perspective to what is a much wider issue. He was carrying out an Army Council approved operation.

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    2. AM

      I have never once thought that the problem with the OO is that it has bad apples within its ranks. For me, its values and reason for existing is the problem. There are no acceptable and unacceptable members of the OO any more than than the KKK gets a bad rap for the company it keeps.

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    3. I knew Brian Kennaway and was quite friendly with him. We would spend a lot of time walking through Cambridge and Oxford discussing these type of matters. He saw the OO as essentially a religious institution that had been hijacked by the bigots. I had a view more like your own. I spoke once at an Orange Hall in Donegal and they were thoroughly engaging and not bigoted. We didn't agree on much but I got a sense of how rural people in a moulded community can come to see the world. It was an interesting experience.

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  5. To answer the additional question, I wouldn't object to any organisation retaining former terrorists, if they weren't still in the business of sectarianism. For me, the objective is the ending of sectarianism. By retaining former terrorists in its ranks, whilst refusing to engage with spokespersons of residents of areas they want to march through, citing paramilitary convictions as a reason, the OO engage in rank, hypocritical sectarianism.

    Portadown OO refused to speak to Garvachy Road residents group spokesman Breandán Mac Cionnaith, on the grounds that he was a convicted IRA man, yet had no problems sharing platforms with Kenny McClinton and Billy Wright. In doing so, they demonstrated that they have one rule for Catholics, and another for Protestants.

    The article asked if a totally inclusive 12th could be achieved. I don't think that it is achievable, because I believe the Orange Order is irreformable.

    “There are many Unionists who would view the very honouring of Thomas Begley as a hate crime. As someone who shouldered his coffin, I do not.”

    I don’t either, and I don’t consider a march honouring UVF member, and sectarian murderer, Brian Robinson a hate crime, either. And in fact, a march commemorating a sectarian murderer doesn’t necessarily have to be sectarian. But the OO’s refual to engage with Catholics, citing terrorism, is blatantly sectarian. Robinson was a member of the Old Boyne Heroes Orange Lodge. The same lodge as convicted mass murderer Robert “Basher” Bates, who was described as a “member in good standing … a gentleman.”

    All that said, I’d be happy to withdraw the part of my comment about former terrorists, or contextualise it.

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    Replies
    1. I think it is impossible to do politics in the zero sum game that is the North and not be involved in sectarianism. I think there is a difference between it being unavoidable and cherishing it. The OO in my view cherish it.
      I think the Orange Order is reformable and might be but it will come about through marginalisation and force of circumstances, and leading to it being virtually unrecognisable from anything we know. If the DUP can be reformed to the extent that it shares government with SF then there is no reason the OO can't be. Yet the sectarianism within the DUP is still very pronounced. I don't think you need withdraw your comment about "former terrorists". Maybe just think about the concept in a more universal sense.

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  6. Whilst researching Brian Robinson, I found a newspaper article which detailed how the Orange Order had called for its members to attend his funeral. Contrast that with the OO debating taking action against David Trimble for attending the funeral of three Catholic civilians who died in the Omagh bomb.

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  7. I expect the OO to die out as the younger generation have less and less interest in it.

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