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Showing posts with label Pádraig O Maonaigh. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Pádraig O Maonaigh. Show all posts
Pádraig O Maonaigh ✍ For the first time in maybe 2 years the procession to Weavers Park was done without the company of Anthony who was on his annual leave for sunnier climes.


But he would have enjoyed this one despite what seemed like a missed opportunity for all 3 points. We decided to replace him with another Anthony and see what happens.

This season's Drogheda United team have been lodged in the mire of a relegation battle, and with July being the opening of the transfer window it offers two paths to LOI Premier redemption. One is via the transfer window, the other is by prayer. St Anthony is renowned for his legend in helping recover lost items, which for this Drogheda team equates to points at home. The opportunity to invoke the saints is perhaps a one-off as my atheist friend Anthony of the McIntyre’s will certainly abstain from such initiatives when he's back. So it was left to me and Jay to pray from the stands.

Fresh hope descended to Weavers park this week in the form of 3 positive transfers yet the injury list is of huge concern. Douglas James Taylor made his debut tonight at home to league leaders Shelbourne along with the returning Elicha Ahui who was making his second debut having played on-loan with the Drogs last season. The third Shane Farrell came from tonight's opposition Shelbourne and was not included.

We took our seats nearer to the Cross Lanes entrance than usual as we were later arriving, and this provided a slightly different experience to being so close to the Ultras section in that you could hear more discussion and debate usually not possible in the vicinity of the vociferous support section. The general atmosphere on a sunny dry evening was optimistic with a great turnout and the great escape was hoped to commence.

Drogheda started well. For the first 15 minutes they saw most of the ball and were setting the tone. An early yellow for Darragh Markey for an alleged dive while attacking towards the Shelbourne penalty area set the crowd off against referee Paul McLaughlin who was unpopular with the home fans until the later stages of the game where his decisions would have real consequences for Shelbourne.

As has happened on so many occasions this season the weakness in the Drogheda defense was exposed from a set-piece by a Tyreke Wilson header as Drogheda failed to clear with Andrew Wogan pinned in onto his line. The visitors were 1-0 up and you could hear the groans among the support about another soft goal being conceded. Drogheda's best first half chance fell to Luke Heeney who forced a good save by Shelbourne keeper Kearns.

When the teams came out for the second half Drogheda played more long balls than would be usual, perhaps feeling the absence of Gary Deegan who offers an option for short passes from the defense. Drogheda's best chance of getting in behind from open play would come to the new number 10 Taylor who found himself chasing a through ball into the penalty area but for some reason tried to turn onto his right foot instead of hitting with his left allowing the Shelbourne defenders to smother the threat.

While Drogheda continued to pursue an equaliser much through the endeavor of substitute Ryan Brennan, everything changed in the 79th minute when Paddy Barrett was sent off for a second yellow having only just received his first. Barrett irritated the home support with a desperately slow march across the pitch towards Locky’s corner, preventing Drogheda from recommencing play quickly. Only three minutes later the Shelbourne goal scorer, Wilson, was also sent off for a second yellow for a blatant but perhaps accidental handball in the box as Drogheda tried to make the extra man count.


Up stepped Douglas James-Taylor the Walsall loanee to coolly equalize from the spot. Shelbourne from then on employed every time-wasting tactic imaginable to hold on for a point as the crowd roared Drogheda on. Shel’s keeper Kearns done what Jay calls “The Pickford '' on numerous occasions while sending all balls long into the opposition corner and seizing every opportunity to go down injured.

Drogheda had to settle for a point despite what seemed like a certain winner in the dying stages as Killian Cailloce had a guilt edged opportunity to win it but failed to convert.


If we'd have won I may have had more grounds for promoting the merits of prayer to Anthony on his return as we wish to avoid St Jude of lost causes, but we left satisfied enough that the spark for a revival may be possible if Trivia follow up the early July transfer activity with more reinforcements who will be required if we are to rely on more than prayer.                    

⏯Pádraig O Maonaigh is a Drogheda United season ticket holder.

Drogs ⚽ A Prayer To St. Anthony

Pádraig O Maonaigh ✍ The Padre is an amazing story which cuts through decades of modern Irish history and serves as a piece of literature which vividly describes the journey of a unique man and provides the reader with the greatest of paradoxes otherwise only captured in a far fetched fiction.


If you could only select one book to present to an otherwise uninformed reader on recent Irish history, this book is high on the list. It tells of the post treaty conservative Ireland which created the man, on how the second son who became a priest was exported to the African missions as one of many surplus vocationalists not required by overabundance to minister in Ireland.

Each chapter is set up with an eloquent scene setting which places you within the very surroundings described by the writer. But even without such writing artistry the content itself would keep you reading as it charts through many of the most renowned actions in the IRAs attempt to restore the Republic by force with particular insight into the Libyan dimension.

The great contradictions of Fr Patrick Ryan the son, the priest and the dedicated missionary who could achieve great things if allowed to work autonomously, is contrasted with the man who in applying exactly the same skill set could enable a guerilla war which included operations that went badly wrong and claimed civilian casualties, innocents and victims at odds with Christian morality. Ryan is a truly unrepentant militant Nationalist more so than a Republican idealist, a man clearly gifted with great intelligence and absolute resolve.

What becomes apparent as you read through the decades of his life is that he was comparable to a Lone Wolf operator and this is precisely how he was so effective, elusive and trusted by the network of contacts he would keep at arms length including IRA leaders, members and the plethora of secret service agencies who pursued him. The fact that he could not operate under the authority of others was evident in his lack of subordination to either of the two biggest impacting organisations in the history of Ireland, the Church and the IRA.

A highly recommended book which reveals yet more evidence of the early trajectory of the running down of the IRA by the Northern Leadership while revealing an inside story on the Provisionals' international dimension. A book that's hard to put down.

Jennifer O'Leary, 2023, The Padre: The True Story of the Irish Priest who armed the IRA with Gaddafi’s Money. Merrion. ISBN-13: 978-1785374616.

⏯Pádraig O Maonaigh is a social justice activist.

The Padre

Pádraig O Maonaigh ✍ What if Éire Nua, or a variation styled upon it, was implemented today even if only initially within the 26 counties? 

What impact would such a democratic initiative play?

The impact of effectively democratizing the country would inevitably place the needs of the people on top of the agenda which would be set by the people. Here is a brief description of the proposed structure of Éire Nua,where we can speculate on how it could serve the people and address some of the high profile issues of today.

Federal National Government (Dail Eireann)

No longer to be viewed as the single house of decision making, this Parliament is the guarantor of the National Constitution, proposed to consist of elected representatives derived from the provincial parliaments and by Free National elections. The work of the federal government is to represent the country and its interests internationally.

Global concerns around health, defense, climate and international peace would be represented by the National Government. Ireland's position as a neutral nation is vital to the common good between nations. Ireland, as mandated, should be an active voice for meditation on conflicts which de-stabilize nations and cause people to flee from violence and poverty.

Provincial Government

This decentralized local government is essential to delivering for the people within its boundaries with reference to the unique needs of its own demographic identity. In terms of economic development this construct will work exclusively on the needs of its population and eradicate the economic inequality expressed by those “beyond the Red Cow” in rural and remote parts of the country.

The social and economic legislation for the region can be constructed by the people in the region. Taxation to develop the province is collected and fairly re-distributed in proportion back into the province.

Regional Boards

These Boards will again be elected positions derived from the district councils supplemented by expert professionals to locally govern in the areas of economic growth and Healthcare and to develop cultural activities in a modern and inclusive Ireland free from sectarianism, racism, homophobia or any other form of discrimination.

District Councils

These will be locally elected positions and will deal with the substantive issues facing people. The decisions made by the government will be made directly by people in the locality, accountable to the people in the locality. The areas of governance that affect day to day life such as law and order, education, employment, local planning, environmental protections, agriculture, small industry, social welfare and social services all involving expert professionals seeking best practice in delivery and ethics accountable to the people at district council level.

Community Councils

These are voluntary councils and bodies representing community level democracy. These councils ensure that all minorities are represented and voices are heard, concerns dealt with collectively at community level. These are vital constructs which can give the locality an input into their own environment.

Issues

The National Question

The National question is dealt with as one of the priorities of Éire Nua,. It seeks the return of the Ulster province to its historical 9 county context. It seeks to implement local democracy, preventing domination of one cultural identity over another. An end to forced reluctant sectarian power sharing would advance natural and overdue reconciliation as time moves forward where the secularity of society and full separation of all churches and state is a reality.

The Health Emergency

For decades now the Irish people have despaired of the health service in the country. It's been run down in favor of increasing the private sector alternative despite ample investment. This is a basic provision of a population and it's been commoditized. Services should be free for all at the point of service provided through general taxation.

Oversight at Regional level by elected representatives from district councils would be mandated to ensure the highest priority and efficiency is delivered for citizens.

The national parliament would be mandated by the regional boards to send delegates to pharmaceutical manufacturers to secure contracts for medicines at the best rates and to establish best practice at WHO level overseen by national experts and national representatives finally accountable to the Irish people.

If we democratize this sector we will oversee it and remove the profiteering middleman. Situations where Irish citizens have to travel abroad for treatment would not occur in a fully developed system focused on care. This area would be a tangible measure of success for the nation.

The Irish Economy

The Authors of Éire Nua developed a social and economic program called Saol Nua which envisages a program of economic development which does not limit the right to private enterprise beyond the common good, and encourages workers co-operatives and national industry. This article does not seek to address this in-depth but does recognize the progressive spirit of it in its social justice merits.

The Irish economy is presently wide open to global financial volatility as it is a free market economy that is an example of the ills of Neo-liberal profiteering and limits government intervention, even beyond times of crisis. There is no conceivable way that this is consistent with the wishes of the people.

A national economy serves the needs of the nation in terms of infrastructure and services. The local economy serves the needs of each citizen in providing employment and services locally. Nowhere are the needs of capitalist profit making companies considered as a structural component of the economic system.

This should not exclude the rights to private enterprise which will create sustainable employment and foster creativity. If people had access to democracy they would cast their say on how the economy is constructed.

It is likely that a Scandinavian style social democracy could be the preferred result where taxation provides for the health, social and security needs of its people while allowing for a regulated trade and enterprise market.

This, if indeed preferred, would be neither an entirely socialist or capitalist construct but fundamentally it is the people who will decide its form. The integral role charities play in Ireland in servicing financial inequality should not be necessary if the economy is built to serve the people.

The Housing Emergency

Generations of Irish people cannot afford their own home. Mortgages in Ireland are multiplied many times in expense when compared with some of the economic powerhouses of Central Europe.

Homeowners have been left stranded in pyrite and mica destroyed buildings fighting for compensation due to a poor regulatory system. 11,500 people are officially homeless, not counting hidden homelessness. International finance vulture funds have managed to take control of properties once owned by bailed out banks, which were then bailed out by the people with no tangible return only vulnerable tenancies.

Few citizens may be aware of the AHB schemes to provide social housing, where up to 90% of the property value is provided by the state, through general taxation, even though the deeds of the property transfer to the private "Approved housing body or company" after a defined period of 30 years. Why not just create State owned units owned by the people?

There is no question that national territory could be sold to private enterprise, foreign or domestic, as in the case of Coillte where an outrage is being conducted presently, as a private British company has been allowed to buy up territory bigger than Dublin for forestation from the State.

If the Irish people could manage the mandate over its elected representatives surely these crimes would be fiction. The cascade of democratic institutions under Éire Nua would make corruption and profiteering around property apparent quickly and thus prevent it.

The Irish people in all its diversity have a right to a home. This would be enshrined within the Constitution. Universal social housing would be made available, owned by the State and accessible to people as per their means or lack of.

The era of private landlords servicing social housing for profit would end. Vulture funds could be dispossessed and people could be homed immediately. Nationalized banks and credit unions should support the needs of the people. Those seeking to own private property should be free to do so by their own means at reasonable rates.

The Energy Emergency

In a democratized Ireland the people would play their part in preserving the natural beauty of the country, its land, seas and rivers. Climate objectives for Ireland must be just, fair and proportional. Green dictates that have effectively made Ireland no longer fuel and energy-sufficient must be examined by genuine mandated representatives of the people.

Renewable energy should be promoted as a sustainable and environmentally friendly form of power. Until such time that this technology meets the peoples needs we must ask why peat and coal is outlawed and national gas and oil resources are not being harvested for the Irish people. Interconnects with other states see fossil fuel created electricity imported while similar sources are shut down here. Local democratic decision making would scrutinize such inconsistencies.

National wealth producing resources like oil and gas and other minerals have been basically stolen and sold for little return and for massive private gain. All these wealth producing resources must be nationalized and wealth produced invested in the lives of the Irish people.

Irish Neutrality

As we have recently come to learn, the principle of Irish Neutrality isn't a constitutionally protected principle only in spirit. We are not signatories to the Hague Convention and we are engaged in various military activities with NATO and PESCO. Despite the fact that the Irish people clearly hold dear this element of our national identity.

A people's referendum is required to put this issue to the people and remove the ambiguity being exalted by servile career politicians who are long removed from identifying as representatives.

Agriculture and Tourism

Agriculture is, along with Tourism, one of Ireland's greatest sources of revenue. Both are highly identifiable national successes and pillars of our economy.

There are currently climate targets suggesting enforcement of radical change in agriculture that urgently require democratic oversight in Ireland. Such global dictates are a breach of sovereignty.

Ireland's hospitality industry has contracted greatly in recent times due to Covid and is becoming unsustainable due to costs. Tourism depends on a vibrant culture and hospitality sector and provisions must be made for their protection. The tourist industry is also under pressure as much capacity is being used for housing people made homeless in Ireland or coming into the country as refugees or asylum seekers.

Fisheries

Irish territories expand far more at sea than on land. Ireland has been badly sold out by a string of governments, and Irish fishermen are restricted greatly in what they can yield in favor of major EU powers. Sadly the EU are policing one of our greatest resources. This is a complete violation of sovereignty and an area where we must re-assert our National rights. If the Irish people fully understood the resources available it would not take long for a groundswell of support to demand change in this area.

Immigration And Social Cohesion

Directly related to all other services such as health, housing and education the ability to absorb demand on the system is an everyday reality that must be answered totally independent from ideology on the issue.

Would the Irish people have mandated the department of foreign affairs to sign the UN Migration compact in 2018 or sanction subscription to international obligations to the EU on immigration based on the health of public services? These questions cannot be answered because they were not asked.

The UN migration compact itself highlights challenges to be overcome where "overwhelming social infrastructures with the unexpected arrival of large numbers of people" is identified.

Embracing democracy is to listen to the people. Is there a risk that they would object? There is that risk, but to ignore it is anti-democratic and foments social unrest.

Ireland has a strong history of generosity and humanitarianism. Ireland's history cannot ignore how Irish people starved to death or immigrated in their millions in the 1800s. There is no reason to believe that our provisions for others including hosting asylum seekers and refugees would be found wanting. Leadership in the country should always encourage welcoming generosity.

Equal distribution of centers across Ireland would be decided by local government. Ireland in a vibrant democracy would be a more equal society. If the Irish people ruled, then the Irish Nation would be able to scale up in accommodation, health and education provisions. Ireland is capable of providing food for populations far greater than our own.

Our biggest issue in recent times has been increasing demand on collapsing public systems coupled with divisive discriminatory rhetoric from the extreme right. If community and district councils represented the people in the community as they should in a democracy there would be no protests on the streets simply because the people would decide on local planning regulations.

Some regions may have a majority more liberal and sympathetic to immigration than others but the outworking of local plebiscites would decide on policy, and social cohesion could be more easily achieved. National policy would be democratically constructed.

Media In A Democracy

Media is fundamentally important in a democracy. When media is privately owned and funded it is not free. State laws should reflect this and such is envisaged within Éire Nua. In an age where misinformation and disinformation creates such societal impact a source of truth overseen by the people is essential to hold all sectors to account.

Conclusion

In concluding this article and analysis and opinion of Éire Nua in terms of today, the essence of it in how it seeks to implement a true participatory democracy would be to radically overhaul the systems of government across the Island. Its authors always sought to develop it further and it still represents today the best and most comprehensive alternative to the failed systems in place and give ownership of Ireland to all the people of Ireland.

⏯Pádraig O Maonaigh is a social justice activist.

Éire Nua For Modern Times III

Pádraig O Maonaigh ✍ The future of Irish Republicanism can only be built on the genuine belief that the Irish Republic can be achieved.

Commitment to the creation of the Republic alone is the basis to move forward. From here we must re-imagine how it can be achieved by turning previous weaknesses into strengths as a diverse movement of many parts.

Everyone, Republican or otherwise has their own particular part to play - Bobby Sands

Everyone has their part to play

The great Republican Ruairí Ó Brádaigh recognised that the struggle moved through phases in history of primacy in Nationalist or Republican agitation, moving from the centre to the left at different times as described in the book The Life And Politics Of An Irish Revolutionary.

We must acknowledge and accept diversity within republicanism. From rigid traditionalists to those who would contest elections and take seats in partitioned parliament (excluding Westminster) to hard left communists. All who genuinely work for the realisation of the Republic as proclaimed must be brought into a network regardless of how they believe it can or should be achieved. This doesn't include Sinn Féin - their project is not the Republic. 

Set aside old preconceptions

The notion of merging organisations is a failed one. They all hold distinct characteristics, personalities and history but cooperation of the willing is to be encouraged in addition to their own autonomous programmes. It is comparable to a Pan Republican strategy with an unchangeable objective. 

A new departure can be constructed as a broad congress and work for the collective advancement of the Republic, open to all who commit to achieving the Republic and nothing less. The virtues of Republicanism automatically eliminates any question of the narrow nationalist right from the equation.

Open up and popularise Irish Republicanism 

Irish Republicanism needs new life and new blood. It needs new ideas. It has never been participated in actively by the people at large Instead it has been run by small secret and revolutionary groups throughout history. 

The Congress can be open to those who belong to no other organisation. The conditions of today mean that Republicanism no longer needs to operate out of sight. To become a popular aspiration Republicanism needs to be accessible to ordinary people. 

It's undeniable that society is predominantly conformist and to have a special branch man take your name, address and picture will not help growth in general society. All perceived weaknesses must become strengths. 

A Republican vehicle for all to participate in without historical baggage. 

The age of the secret society organising a military strategy capable of discipline, dedication and loyalty matched by capability has passed. Modern technology doesn't eliminate groups from attempting this route but totally eliminates any prospect of success. A guerilla army cannot succeed in a developed country unless it suits an agenda. Even when the 69-98 PIRA campaign was active it failed to achieve its objectives. Militant Republicanism has pushed the struggle on as far as it can and a reimagination of how the struggle is continued is now overdue. Militarism is now a definite weakness.

The Republican Congress

A Republican Congress can provide a purposeful democratic forum and should appoint a development committee represented by delegates from groups and Independents and should include mechanisms such as rotation of roles to limit control blocks. Ordinary members should be the highest authority.

Initiatives for campaigns and growth would be its primary role (and not a talking shop) to make it accessible and popular. It should drive contemporary political analysis of Ireland in terms of the Irish Nation and Sovereignty, a continuous source of reference and leadership in an age where populism is a threat.

To create a broad congress, the basis for agreement must be as high level as possible.

To work to bring about The Republic.
A commitment to peaceful initiatives.
To leave outside all matters of common dispute for example, religion or abortion etc.
Refrain from attempting to steer the Congress to the left or right in social or economic issues.
Unity is a priority to a way forward and matters of division should be excluded. Any radical social or economic interests can be promoted within the ethos of each group or in an individual's own initiatives.

Republican events 

Most Republicans participate in commemorative and educational events. These could potentially be collaborated on under the Congress to build unity.

Prisoner welfare pickets and protests for example are all activities which would reside with existing groups outside of the congress to allow for broader participation.

The Congress, the basis for broad unity, must be welcoming to those outside of the developed republican community who wish to become involved and not a structure of secrecy, dependant on its non military view.

Campaigns

Support should be given by the Congress for initiatives which serve the people and the Republic and are acceptable broadly by the Congress.

A strong culture exists within Republican groups on issues like Anti-War and Neutrality, civil rights and homeless services etc. These activities are commendable and should be endorsed broadly as Republican initiatives.

There are many justice campaigns from the troubles still unresolved.

The Campaign for the Irish Republic is the overriding campaign and purpose of all. Strategies to advance it will be central. These may be street initiatives or may even be political strategies to disrupt the dynamics of the Parliamentary Establishment in the event that some Independent Republicans get elected should they be inclined to stand.

Education

Appealing to a new generation to become active participants in Irish Republicanism will require a provision for educational resources on all shades of Irish history to provide the political direction to the next generation.

Funding

Republicanism holds historical interest appeal. It holds much potential for fundraising if it alltransparently feeds back into growing the movement. The possibilities here are vast. No other political creation in Ireland could claim to have this potential which, free of paramilitary baggage, can appeal to Irish America.

The right to use physical force to achieve self-determination

This issue does not have to divide. Many Republicans will always hold the view that force is justified. No agreement will be found on this question and some differ on its application pointing to times through history where campaigns were ceased yet the right was retained.

A broad movement doesn't need to agree on this question, only to set it aside.

Physical force has driven advances but it has also brought contradictions as many were thrown into it not because of Republican beliefs but instead in reaction to state and Loyalist attacks. A potent, educated, regenerated Republican movement without the physical force element will in a post conflict age be free from an unpoliticised defenderist element which has always been willing to settle for less than the Republic identifiable with PSFs trajectory.

In the event of a question re-emerging on defensive action then that right will of course exist as it does to all people in all Nations.

Unionism and promoting the Republic

Outside of Republicanism, it is said that most Irish citizens accept the authority of European and Global structures perceived to be by consent and no longer question the authority of British jurisdiction in Ireland seeing this as settled pending a border poll in the future.

This is a failure of Irish Republicanism, that the ordinary people of Ireland do not see that the 26 county construct is not the Republic and that sovereignty is being eroded by International structures.

There is a section of the PUL which is open to Unification. This does not mean they see that as The Republic. Appeasing Unionism has proven to be a waste of time. All cross community reconciliation is of the greatest importance but Republicanism cannot be advanced by moving away from the Republic.

The place for the PUL within the Irish Republic needs to be clearly made and let it stand as it is. A minority of the Nation can no longer be allowed to prohibit the progression of the Republic which benefits them.

Republican media

This is the key area that serious resources should be invested in. This should have a strategy of its own to use the media to advance the political aspirations of Republicanism.

Tá ár lá anseo

The Republic is not an end in itself. Other than Eire Nua who can set out a vision of a living Republic?

⏯Pádraig O Maonaigh is a social justice activist.

A View On The Future Of Irish Republicanism 2023

Pádraig O Maonaigh ✍ The chief architects of Eire Nua were men of the highest Republican credentials who recognized that Irish Independence alone would not fully achieve republican objectives. 

Partition has never been the only problem. The 26 county state also stands opposed to The Republic and what the spirit of The Republic means to the lives of the Irish people.

The authors sought the creation of completely new governmental structures with a rights based constitution to deliver a “New Ireland”, controlled by the Irish people alone. A true democracy, which eradicates the crony neocolonial, clientelist system in place since 1922, and ending the ongoing British presence in Ireland. This vision included the active participation of all traditions in the democratic institutions of Ireland.

Since the 1970s, the 26 county State has continually traded National sovereignty to Imperialist (EU) and Globalist/Capitalist constructs at the long term expense of the Irish people, while the six county state has become re-normalized as a continuing colony within the British State. Eire Nua identified these trends and sought to address them. National wealth creating resources have been continually sold off to private interests while developmental grants from the EU were used as incentives towards integration, manifesting, in repayment terms, with eroding National sovereignty.

Today in the 26 counties it seems that there are no areas of incompetence, or corruption, capable of toppling a government within its term. Record homelessness and unprecedented health crises are only two examples of consistently shocking governance that reflect the lack of a functioning democracy as they are clearly not results of the people's will, and due to longevity of crisis cannot be explained away as anything other than, at best, the indirect result of neoliberal policy.

Without a petition to recall those elected, the five year term allows governments in Leinster House to invariably readjust their agendas after assuming power, safe in the knowledge that they only need to appease their junior coalition partners to remain in office. If this is not by design. it is a reoccurring coincidence that the electioneering promises are abandoned.

Perpetuation of this position of privilege is an obvious motivation for the continued suppression of genuine participatory democracy. The system works for those who profit. It also works for the neoliberal powerhouses located in London, Brussels, Washington and other influential think tanks who gather annually in Davos and who, alongside global corporations and bodies, hold huge influence over significant economic and strategic policies in Dublin with scant reference to the people or their democratic will.

Examples of these economic and strategic policies are: the bank guarantee scheme which repaid those responsible for the Irish banking crisis of 2008/2009 - which was caused by International Finance speculators and the Irish State joining PESCO, the prelude to a European army in spite of the popularity of Irish Neutrality. These massive issues should be mandated by referendum if we truly claim to believe in democracy.

Centralizing power can lead to the erosion of democracy very quickly as occurred disastrously over the last century, where consolidation of power both communist and fascist reached its ceiling resulting in dictatorships and millions of deaths. The world over, democracy is thrown around as the absolute, to safeguard against the rise of totalitarian power. Éire Nua is focused on democratizing and decentralizing power back into the communities, the essence of democracy, so who should fear it? Perhaps those who are benefiting from the current increasingly centralized system. Centralization realistically prevents broad participation in government. When unelected bureaucrats or Corporate directors have more power than the people we are not living in a genuine democracy.

If one needs proof of the anti-democratic and neo-colonial intentions of a centralized federal EU, just consider the views of Guy Verhofstadt, ex-prime minister of Belgium and former leader of the Liberal group in the European Parliament, who, in an interview with journalist Michał Matlak in October 2019 when discussing Brexit and Sovereignty revealed his thoughts:

Matlak: Are member states ready to renounce their sovereignty?

Verhofstadt: Well, their sovereignty doesn’t exist in a globalized world. Sovereignty means that you can decide your own path. European states on their own are not able to do that. There’s only European sovereignty, if any.

This is an example of views where a European superstate is envisaged. And it's clear from comments from the EU commission president Ursula Von der Leyen that it is a strategic goal of the EU to supplement this superstate with a European army which collaborates in synchronicity with NATO.

Ireland today is deeply ingrained within this EU construct by the consent of Irish politicians but what about the consent of the people? Lisbon and Nice were rejected before being run a second time quite undemocratically. If an unbiased and fully informed referendum were held on the implications to sovereignty what would be the outcome?

What we should avoid is a Brexit style reassessment of the EU on divisive lines. Ireland must re-assert its sovereignty and Independence and reform its role in the EU as guided by the Irish people if the EU is to be compatible with Irish Sovereignty.

It's been slow incremental change that's relinquished Free State National Sovereignty. It is certainly a deliberate political direction if remarks around "backward sovereignty" by Fianna Fáil Leader Mícheál Martin are to be understood. Sovereignty and Liberty should not be traded for membership of any external construct as it is not for any one generation to trade. This by no means limits the natural inclination of the Irish people to participate in a vibrant, collective, international community which respects national boundaries and sovereignty as equals in search of common goals. Indeed it's in our best interests. Éire Nua recognized the supreme authority of the Irish people to govern Ireland and without contradiction be internationalist.

The fact that the present custodians of Éire Nua stand permanently and honorably opposed to entering the partitionist system means the potential of Éire Nua is effectively locked away until a revolution has been achieved. Today there is no realistic prospect of revolution such is the extent of State technological apparatus nor are there political conditions conducive to it becoming popular.

The final part of this article will speculate what dynamic participatory democracy could bring to bear on the big issues in the news today in Ireland.

⏯Pádraig O Maonaigh is a social justice activist.

Éire Nua For Modern Times Ⅱ

Pádraig O Maonaigh ✍ Right now in Ireland, division is being dug deep into working class areas on the immigration question. 

The same working class areas that resisted against the installation of water meters some years back. Then, they were led by the hard left, now, some, are led by the hard right. A divided working class can only serve the powerful political establishment and wealthy class. The fact that the question is yet to arise in more affluent communities is indicative of the voter base of the government in my view.

Both Social and Mainstream media are currently dominated by opposing narratives and accusations with little reasoning or respectful discussion where opposite views exist. This is hardening attitudes and dividing people further. We have a recent culture of protest and counter protest which must seem like noise to most ordinary people trying to get by, sometimes literally, on the way home from work.

Within a few short weeks we have gone from hearing communities have genuine concerns to labelling and shaming those attending protests. There are certainly extreme groups at work stoking division and hate,. And protesting against innocent people where they sleep is wrong. The result is that this pushes droves of onlooking ordinary working people away from grass roots action in general and back into the electoral arms of the seeming safe but hegemonic establishment which created the inequalities in the first place.

If those of us interested in social justice wish to see a rejuvenated and strengthened workers movement than we must be organized. Perhaps if Trade Unions had effective leadership and campaigned to repeal the 1990 Industrial Relations Act, workers could unite and command pay and conditions which would eliminate the cheap and exploitive labour market which either by design or consequence the rich will benefit from.

This would immediately and drastically bridge the gap in our communities as workers could belong to an organisation which leads its members on both employment and social issues. Integration and solidarity would organically grow as common cause would be established.

It's not long ago things were very very different on the ground than they are today and genuine hope of change was growing in a risen people. I recall Listening to Brendan Ogle introduce Terry McMahon on Dame Street Dublin, April 2017 at the Right to Water protests. I've chosen these two figures to represent the shallow fault line between left and right in ordinary genuine people which I believe can be repaired. Division between fringe groups is not under consideration as it is of no constructive value due to the fact in my mind that they arguably exist to stoke division itself. This I believe is true on both the left and right fringes.

On a single day in April 2017, My wife and I stood listening to various speakers at the R2W protest amongst banners from Sinn Féin, PBP, various Unions, Éirígí the IRSP and Joe Higgins' Socialist Party among others, all identifiable left wing working class political groups.

Ordinary voices of the rural and urban Irish working class murmured all round united in their purpose, few of which had membership or history with the groups involved. As is inevitable when Irish people gather, there's a mixture of humour and devilment alongside the protest chants, but an air of people power and solidarity lingered. The chants invariably identified the decimated Fianna Fáil party and their replacements, the Enda Kennys and Joan Burtons of the day as the villains, those elected to burn the bondholders but decided to inflict austerity instead. Those who are opposed to unions and to community activists, some, who famously remarked upon the financial means within working class communities to acquire expensive phones. One sign among the crowd read in reply to this, "let them eat phones".

Some 80,000 people came out that day and as an example of the often asserted line that RTÉ and the Irish Times are government propogandists, they estimated the same crowd at the 10,000 mark.

Terry McMahon, who is viewed by many today as, of the right, for views on pro-life, his bemusement at gender politics and lockdown skepticism, gave a rousing speech as is well within his creative comfort zone as a screenwriter.

He spoke of "Our Ireland" and its cancers which ran far deeper than just the water charges issue we had all united on. He spoke very inclusively about all the shapes, makes and sizes of the Irish people in all its diversity and how we must create change.

Highly recommend a listen 





To this day he speaks out on issues of "the left", but not specifically from the left, probably just injustice as he sees it, for example the cost of living or highlighting an individual case of discrimination.

Brendan Ogle, as a trade union leader on that day was in perfect sync with the talented speaker, applauding his words. Today he represents a strong left wing perspective, collectivist, antifascist, a strong vocal presence on the pro-Covid restrictions that came some years later.

The two clearly diverged from synchronicity of that rally on separate issues, though a key point must be, they agree on the substantive underlying issues in society which is where we must return. We do not have to agree on everything, maybe only in opposing discrimination from which all problems can be linked.

The political class across Ireland that hold seats in Leinster House, were called out that day, repeatedly, as the cause of the issues. Nothing has changed on that front in the years since, other than they've gotten worse. The tone to proceedings was so much simpler than that of today. It was the working class marching against undemocratic vulture capitalism. It doesn't take a socialist to oppose exploitation, and it wasn't a socialist rally.

The contextual backdrop was the legacy left by the failure of international banking speculators combined with the laissez-faire Irish central bank crippling the Irish economy and the resulting austerity being our punishment for allowing the Bertie Ahern Government mismanage the economic conditions of the state.

Maybe we didn't all see it like that but that's what it was. Fianna Fáil had previously surrendered economic sovereignty to the sovereignty vultures of the IMF. They done so while lying to the people before handing the reins of the state with newly acquired "sovereign" debt to the hungry hands of Fine Gael and Labour.

The irony with continuous EU integration is that debt seems to be the one area of sovereignty that remains with the people!

Here we were, assembled against the double taxation being forced in ironically by the Party founded by James Connolly. What would he say?

Labour of that day in 2017 represented the cowardly interests of the wealthy, anathema to Connolly. Terry McMahon invoked the spirit of 1916 to the crowd that day and in a second left, right comparison it can be said that in a snapshot, Connolly and Pearse, leaders of the rising represented something politically similar. People united in a cause against a common enemy in the interests of the Irish people.

Pearse, the Nationalistic Republican immersed in the gaelic cultural revival, united with Connolly, the Socialist Republican concerned with the condition of the working class, both seeking to break the connection with the imperialists who suppressed the rights of a people to both nationhood and economic emancipation.

As McMahon spoke of the conditions in our country there was an air about the place of action. Other issues were raised that day which further motivated the crowd that a corrupt system reigned over.

When the mother of young Ava Twomey got up and spoke of how the Minister of Health was preventing her from accessing medicinal cannabis, available abroad, to limit the frequency and damage the child was suffering from brain damaging fits, the paternal instincts of most parents assembled went into overdrive and for me at least, the anti-establishment resentment raised to a level that would never really go again.

Roll on a few years and the unified solidarity of the people in that movement has fragmented.

What's changed?

Power knows how to pacify and diffuse it would seem.

Undoubtedly to my mind, text book tactics are played by strategists advising parties on how to navigate contentious political situations. The water charges were shelved, by no means scrapped. No constitutional amendment was ever made to protect the right to water. Taxation was hiked elsewhere. The long game comes in, defer and postpone until another day. A day when the people become divided enough that those who call a rally will only mobilize their own support base. Its not all about water, that was just a symptom, the disease is exploitation in general.

That day has arrived and passed, the political elites are far bolder now than before. For example national territory is now comoditized for sale such as the British vulture aquisition seen in the Coillte deal ratified through Leinster House recently.

Our healthcare system is run down so far that 50 avoidable excess deaths a week are being warned of. 

Our health and education systems are bursting due to increased need and under development. Our housing sector sees ques of people in good employment left disappointed as demand cannot be matched by supply and for those that require social housing there are over 11,500 categorized as homeless with growing numbers on the streets.

Poverty is visible in society yet the landlord class is reaping public funds through HAP. Vast portfolios of property are bought up by foreign capitalist vulture funds enforced at the point of private security firms. Indeed, this is our Ireland.

All this amidst political corruption scandals but no unified mass movement. This is the consequence of division and it sure helps those in power.

For the spoils of the R2W campaign Some members of the Socialist party and PBP ended up gaining profile and seats in Leinster House.

Sinn Féin grew strongly as people could see that there was no difference in outcome if you had FF and Greens or FG and Labour in power.

The establishment that reign perennially in Kildare Street were actually threatened by a risen, unified people during that campaign. This threat never returned since. Instead a series of changes occurred in society which split people into groups.

Since those days we've seen social issues change the shape of society. The 8th Amendment referendum, the draconian emergency health powers, the blasphemy referendum - all these things have divided people, a people comprised of different sub categories from liberals to conservatives which may possibly only heal by generational attrition.

Brendan Ogle and Terry McMahon stood in common purpose on behalf of the working people that day. Since then both men, I believe have continued to speak out publicly on the issues of the day from their perspectives, again, in their view, on behalf of the ordinary working people of Ireland. Yet today they have diverged off in quite different directions and the issues they speak on are distinctively placed on opposite ends of the spectrum.

Is this the result of one being right and the other wrong or is this the essence of difference and diversity of thought? The working people in Ireland are not organized in any way which would concern the Neoliberal dominance of the political elite class which control Ireland.

People can have distinctively polar ideologies but can unite against a common opponent. Today this opponent is those holding power and rather than unite against that misrule we withdraw, divide and squabble amongst ourselves to the extent of bitter division.

We must learn to agree on basic principles and respect for rights and then work together to create change. This does not mean we can work with anyone, only those of genuine principle. It will quickly become clear who the provocateur and agents are as they do their best to destroy such an initiative but for those of sufficient sense we must move forward and restore imperfect but genuine working class solidarity.

 ⏯Pádraig O Maonaigh is a social justice activist.

Irish Working Class Solidarity In Memorial ✏ Can It Be Resurrected?

Pádraig O Maonaigh ✍ Ireland is ever-changing and has changed much since 1971 when Éire Nua, was adopted as Irish Republican policy for a postcolonial Ireland.

When first read in the context of Ireland in 1971, when a long guerilla war was only in its early years and when Republican military objectives were arguably at their highest chance of success, the reader's priority is drawn to how the 6 county position is to be resolved within the policy.

This focus point of course is natural given the conflict at that time and as the 26-county state was presenting a facade to the world that it was a functioning democracy.

Since being first developed, I think significantly, by Republicans from outside the six counties, and adopted as Republican policy, nothing has come close to resetting the parameters of what is in my view a deeply unequal and corrupt, anti-democratic constitutional arrangement of two states in Ireland. To get right to the point, the greatest benefit of the Éire Nua, proposal is that it vests power back in the people where it belongs.

Understandably, with hindsight, many Nationalists and Republicans within the six counties may have struggled at that time to see how liberating it would be to share a provincial parliament, in opposition benches, with a continuing majority of Unionists given the very oppression that the Unionist administration of the Orange State visited on them. This oppression was the very reason for the civil rights movement and the subsequent suppression of the most modest demands for rights and equality arguably becoming the stimulus for recruitment and a renewed militant Republican liberation Campaign.

If the general will of the Nationalist population before the late 1960s had been in favor of National liberation as the primary focus and not simply everyday equality then the initiative of Operation Harvest would have yielded more popular support and success. The fact that it didn't led to the practical final cessation of military operations of the "Old" IRA and the embarking on a socialist program for democratic change.

With the absence of an organized militant republican force, this gave rise to the need for the birth of the Provisionals, as the Orange State attempted to crush the civil rights campaign and loyalists violently attacked the Catholic and Nationalist population resulting in the pogroms and people fleeing areas of the North. This situation later evolved and saw the Provisionals going from community defense to Crown Force attack in the following years in a war against Britain for a 32 county Socialist Republic.

In 2023, however, we have a different situation in the six counties. There is a popular, non-Republican-dispensation among the electorate for a functioning parliament with both communities represented as indicated by the support expressed in 1998. Indeed, there is a growing third demographic that identifies as neither tradition now. All seek a functioning democracy which has proven to be impossible to consistently deliver through Stormont, firstly because subordination to Westminster makes a mockery of the democratic principle but secondly because the sectarian headcount remains the perpetual mechanism of representation.

With demographic trends continuing to see the Nationalist cohort reach parity and beyond there is an increasing likelihood of an eventual border poll, the very un-republican resolution contained within the Good Friday Agreement. Without detailing the restrictions of the border poll and its own anti-democratic dimension it still represents the only likely mechanism for the next constitutional change, which is coming.

There is, therefore, theoretically, no reason why a 9 county Dail Uladh would be such a radical concept. The maximum devolution of power to the lowest possible community level envisaged in Éire Nua, would see autonomously controlled communities. This would mitigate the concerns of domination of one tradition over another which is what the orange state visited on Nationalists. This would give each citizen access to influence their locality at council level and allow freedom of each diverse unique cultural or ethnic identity.

We have learned in the imperfect peace years since 1998 that community cooperation happens naturally as trust is built over time. In this scenario, as the constitutional issue will have been resolved, the access to true democratic local power will provide the kind of fairness and local cooperation impossible if ruled by Dublin, London or Brussels.

It is crucial therefore, that no future constitutional tie to Britain be inserted into the resolution of a border poll in favor of Irish Unity that would hinder the new beginning between people. True democracy at local level makes Sovereign Jurisdiction an irrelevance in the substantive local issues but continuation of colonial claims prolongs the divide.

If the cascade of democratic structure envisaged in Éire Nua was not implemented in the event of Unity, then, as Connolly would have pointed out, it would still be only flags and accents changing: the committees for the rich are still in charge. This is why we must go further and truly democratize society on an all Ireland basis. With such democratic access, economic justice can be decided on by the people which will surely remove the profiteers and vultures consuming the working class people.

What about the old "Free State" territory?

The radical democratization of the other three provinces is crucial to disestablishing the Neo-liberal stranglehold of EU Federalism and US Corporate control over the potential of the country.

I will speculate that this is possibly the strategic reason why external interests would have wanted Éire Nua, dumped as the policy of the Provisional Republican movement, using the sop to Unionism as an easy way out. While acknowledging that division within Ulster was deep. Ireland of today couldn't provide the strategic military logistics for the US war machine that it does in a truly democratic society because quite simply the majority don't want them here.

When O Bradaigh and O Connell were ousted effectively from leadership roles in the movement, Éire Nua, went with them, and the revolutionary vision left with the revolutionary leaders just like in 1922. Without a fundamental change to where power lies in relation to the people, there is little material benefit to the everyday lives of people in Ireland. We must also remember that the current system works well for a privileged section of the people and they would not like to see such democracy at work. These are the same class of people who existed just as well inside the British System too.

True Democracy must be egalitarian, pluralist and secular to ensure liberty, equality and justice. This must also include recognition of fundamental civil and human rights and directly involve the people in participatory local, national and international structures.

Democratization and Sovereignty are proportional, but this does not mean isolation internationally. The will of the majority of Irish people, clearly, is Internationalist, which means we must maintain our place as a progressive nation while reforming the EU to resemble true democratic cooperation.

The Éire Nua policy suffers from stigma simply because it was written by Republicans. It isn't widely discussed outside of Republican interest groups and for the many who do not share in the understanding of the Republican ideals, which have been slandered and misrepresented, first by the British and then by the counter-revolutionary West British and latterly West European Leinster House Establishment who do not see what Pearse defined freedom as, “Separation and Sovereignty”.

I believe Éire Nua has to be viewed outside of the Republican package as a democratic alternative to what exists. For the people at large to understand the practical participatory principles of Éire Nua, without bias it may need to be presented in isolation from being the policy of any group or at least free from ideological baggage.

As the original authors and more recent revisions of the policy have always insisted, the policy is open to debate and development. Continuing membership of the EU is likely preferred by the people for example. This means the EU must be reformed, as Sovereignty cannot be both in Brussels and with the people. We must always consider landscape changes to social and economic events but the fundamental concepts of Éire Nua are ultimately the essence of democracy, Independence and equality for Ireland.

In part two I will give an opinion on how maximum devolution of power as envisaged in Éire Nua would affect some of the big issues of today in Irish society.

 ⏯Pádraig O Maonaigh is a social justice activist.

Éire Nua For Modern Times Ⅰ

Pádraig O Maonaigh ✍ with some perspective and Analysis of the Irish Freedom Party who staged a rally in Drogheda on the 7th of January to protest against immigration. 

This follows activity of a similar nature in Carlingford Co. Louth and attendance at East Wall demonstrations by party leaders recently.

For about the last six to seven years very minor growth occurred in the Extreme Right wing within Ireland's political shadows before a significant yet still minor upward growth in the last two. Distinction must be made between Social conservatives and the far right.

There had been no great interest in right wing nationalist views here as our diversity mostly consisted of white Protestants and white Catholics. The characteristics of a post colonial, largely pro-European population, with a generally more internationalist social outlook would understand little of narrow Nationalist politics though things have changed of late.

Ireland's Nationalism has always been about breaking away from oppression not imposing it. Irish Nationalism has been about full territorial self-determination both social and economic and asserting our unique cultural identity free from external interference while seeking to exist as an equal within an international community.

26 County Ireland, in its short and partial Independence has a rich tradition of International humanitarian aid and of welcoming refugees in recent decades. One of our proudly held positions has been our position on Neutrality where Ireland has sought to inflict no harm on other Nations, conferring an identity on us of high moral standing albeit this is now threatened.

Across the water Nationalism is inverted. It's where the source of much oppression on others has derived. Narrow Nationalism has always had a home, a base for division and hate, often on racial lines, as citizens from the Commonwealth and colonies emigrated to England at the displeasure of those who remained most vocal about the perceived greatness of their once empire.

Such an empire, which inflicted partition and actual plantation on both Ireland and Palestine, two settings for huge injustice in modern times post World War Two when the very real form of true Fascism was defeated.

This bigotry was infused with various elements including sectarianism, the soccer firm culture, racism, xenophobia, crime, neo Nazi white supremacy and an admiration of Militant Ulster loyalism which was also the biggest and most extreme version of the far right in Ireland for a century aside from Fine Gael Blueshirts in the 1930s.

While British far right Nationalism too was reduced and pushed back into the shadows it re-emerged in a more mainstream and much less extreme way with Brexit, much to the initial excitement of some Unionist groups in Ireland and much to their longer term detriment.

While Ireland has seeded sovereignty to the EU in a way not originally envisaged by the people here and often undemocratically, the fight to leave the EU by Britain may have been the point where the British version was imported to Ireland in meaningful terms to fuse with Socially Conservative politics discarded by the Irish Establishment.

The prominence of UKIP as the radical voice of the Leave Campaign in the European Parliament gave birth to a sister act in Ireland in the form of the IREXIT initiative which crystallized into the Irish Freedom Party with leading member Hermann Kelly a former secretary for Farage in UKIP. Indeed Farage endorsed the new creation by speaking and offering to assist their journey at one event.

Initially it appeared that Irexit or IFP was a single issue Eurosceptic group and contributions focused on the leave issue, campaigning about Ireland now being a net contributor to the EU and natural resources like our fisheries being plundered. These issues are absolutely fair game and are agreeable. Indeed the current construct of the EU does not sit well on many levels.

With the likes of Former Irish Diplomat Ray Bassett and celebrities from the cancelled world like George Hook and Kevin Myers speaking at events there was a degree of mainstream respectability to their image unlike the National Party who never tried to mask their politics: for them it was always primarily about Immigration.

Given Ireland for most of the 20th and beginning of the 21st century was a Christian Conservative State it would cause little concern for a party to emerge which would pick up a demographic being cast aside by Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael, particularly as they embraced more radical Liberal social policies. For a short time in the "South" Sinn Féin may have occupied this space certainly for a time prior to the Nice Treaty. This socially Conservative demographic has a right to its opinion and to be represented in a democracy. Perhaps most moderately it is represented today by Aontu, an economically left and moderately social Conservative, constitutional Republican party led by former Sinn Féin TD Peadar Tobin. Aontú offers a balanced outlet for this demographic in my view as do some of the rural Independents who do seem to represent their constituents.

Long running socially contentious issues like divorce, abortion and same sex marriage have seen constitutional change. This has brought about an internationally recognised modern Liberal Ireland free of a tight Church and State union. If the fight for liberating these issues was just, in a democracy, then the view of the Conservative traditionalists too is equally just in a democracy. But democracy must be respected by both: both should be able to campaign respectfully without being far anything.

As time has gone on it is now apparent that the Nationalism imported by the Freedom Party is further right than just Christian Conservative and immigration is at the top of its priorities as well as sowing division with the more Liberal generation coming through. Extremism is categorized so because it's seen as going too far. And while we can quickly find the extreme right abhorrent, extreme liberalism has a similar effect as in the furore around the ideas of Peter Tatchell hosted here at Pride events in the company of the Minister for Children in an era of changes in the school social education curriculum in favour of more Liberal themes. This can appeal to the unknown Conservative in many parents.

Extreme liberalism too, has the effect of increasing the appeal of the extreme right who often take the clothes of bemused moderates.

The slow growth of the right came partially in alternative media where an unopposed narrative could be created. Alternative media is often the only outlet for free political dissent right or left as the corporate media is well renowned for its bias in favour of its funders. Unopposed narratives are dangerous. This too can be said within mainstream media. Modern media formats like websites, blogs, social media and video uploading sites offer both risks and benefits but genuine discourse is fundamental to the integrity of any media and a welcome right of reply is essential for balance.

The onset of Covid-19 created a rapid stimulus for the right. Some of the alternative right wing content creators had already been pursuing a range of divisive theories which dovetailed seamlessly into the Covid-19 realm like replacement theories for example. The facts on covid policies stand independently accessible without right wing commentary.

When analyzed in objective proportion, huge damage was done to institutional trust to a section of society of many thousands, stoked by a heavily funded media, resulting in many previously unthinkable rights issues.

However, maybe one of the worst effects wasn't that it created a conspiracy theory culture which it did stimulate, but that it created a disaffected demographic which found answers from extreme right wing actors in significant numbers. The size of this disaffected demographic is still relatively small judging by turn outs at various rallies that are shown online but they were ready to go and mobilized when the issue turned to the arrival of immigrants. This is exactly where the extreme right wing groups sought them to be.

The role of the Irish political establishment in all of this is huge. Generations have been raised with the same societal inequalities remaining and its quite clear as to why and it plays right back into the hands of the extreme right.

The Neoliberal economic and political agenda of the US and the EU has swapped much state Sovereignty for foreign direct investment and the digital and pharma economies. Ireland has been most servile to the European project in accepting the criminal losses of the European banking sector, inflicting austerity and refusing to provide the social systems which would diffuse the growing social turbulence which immigrants are coming into because in the current system implemented by either Fianna Fáil Labour or Fine Gael all state funds must ultimately flow to private hands. This is most apparent in housing and health. Sinn Féin resolve for real change will soon be tested and they are likely to fall at the first hurdle by entering coalition with one of the Civil war parties, most likely Fianna Fáil.

The scene presently remains set up perfectly for outrage when people awaiting social housing are told, (by the mainstream news media by the way), that immigrants are arriving at ports and destroying documentation before customs, that many immigrants arriving are from non conflict zones amidst the arrival of war refugees from Ukraine. It's also a fact that no local consultation occurs and that the urgency with which shelter is converted is contrasted starkly to the urgency of those sleeping rough and dying on Ireland's streets.

In reply to the clear advantage being taken by the extreme right, the left here often responds by attacking the right wing opportunists who remember have many solid points in their locker, further disaffecting those ordinary people being radicalized by them. Surely a better approach would be to take the issue to the heart of government. Surely a radical action inside the Oireachtas followed by a media campaign showing the opposing forces pulling the people in different directions and where the responsibility lies would be the correct way.

If the best we can come up with is a counter protest then we have truly run out of ideas. The Irish Freedom Party clearly see an opening and they are not the only group doing so right now. Such fertile ground for working class division will be exploited and ultimately the establishment and the extremes will gain while everyone else will lose.

⏯Pádraig O Maonaigh is a social justice activist.

Fertile Ground For Division

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