Showing posts with label IRSP. Show all posts
Showing posts with label IRSP. Show all posts
Caoimhin O’Muraile ☭ I was reading the ‘policy document’ regarding immigration of the Irish Republican Socialist Party (IRSP).

Broadly speaking the document is quite good and certainly gives the reader an outline of the party’s present political position. The first thing I noticed was the abandonment of the word ‘socialist’ in the party’s demands. It now calls for a “32 County Republic with the working-class in control.” What happened to the once vaunted “32 County Democratic Socialist Republic”? Who would be in control? The working-class or, on behalf of the working-class, the IRSP? 

It begins with lines which could have been written by the so-called left-wing of any parliamentary Labour Party. It leaves the gate slightly ajar for a shift rightwards in policy should public opinion demand it! It wants the working-class to decide who can and cannot come into the country, so would some form of selection, like now, take place? What happened to the Marxist; ‘workers of the world unite’? The document, rightly states:

The movement of people throughout the world should be based on their own free will, not them being pushed from their home country due to poverty and war to be used by exploiters elsewhere, and not with the view to being used in undermining the working-class of other countries.

True, and such a system of exploitation must be fought by a strong trade union, including or especially migrant labour, rank and file. Reducing rates of pay is one method: employers increase profit and the far-right blame migrants working for the lower rate. If an employer is paying below the minimum wage; €13.50 from 1st January 2025 in the 26 Counties for workers aged 20 and over they are breaking the law. The trade unions, which it must be assumed IRSP members are active within, have an obligation to take the employers, the bourgeoisie, to task and not allow migrant labour to be scapegoated for these below the legal minimum wages. If it were not migrant labour, it would be some other scapegoat: for example the disabled or people with low educational standards, anything but capitalist lust for greater profits. 

In the days gone by it was trade unionists who were blamed for the cause of workplace problems, for causing too much trouble. So much so that governments legislated against such unions through the Combination Acts of the late 18th and early 19th centuries on behalf of the employers. Capitalism has always needed handy scapegoats and migrant labour are and, to a lesser extent, have been for decades the modern scapegoats. Some of us will remember Enoch Powells ‘Rivers of Blood’ speech in 1968. This must not be allowed to happen.

Discrimination in the workplace against ‘the other’ usually begins with Antilocution, a term coined by Gordon Allport to describe the initial stage of prejudice. These prejudices and ridicule in today’s world are often aimed at, in many cases, migrant labour. Back in 1903 James Connolly campaigned against the ridicule leading to hatred of Jewish people in Ireland even going as far as having his 1903 local election literature translated into Hebrew so these people could understand his socialist message. After ridicule comes shunning the migrant workers, ignoring and expelling them from conversation, followed by assault both verbal and physical, then exclusion say, from the works canteen, then their right to earn a living and in the case of Nazi Germany extermination. There is no reason why, in any country, these basic ridicules cannot finish up, if unchecked, with extermination. 

I think the IRSP document could have concentrated on such issues as well as emphasising the importance of trade union membership for the newcomers, many who may have linguistic difficulties. There should be more of an appeal to those who are naively thinking of joining the far-right groups, explaining these fascist groups are not the answer. The threat to working-class communities comes not from ‘International Protection Seekers’ but the far-right who are exploiting the situation!

The IRSP Policy Document takes a pragmatic, if limited, approach to what society perceives as ‘the problems of immigration.’ Offering an alternative selection programme, this time carried out by the “working-class,” is not the best way forward in my view. Working-class problems are caused not by immigration but the private ownership of the means of production, distribution and exchange. It is the capitalist class who cause a scarcity of resources by pricing certain necessities out of many people’s pockets. These price increases have little or nothing to do with immigration but the capitalist class do their utmost to use this as a cause of ‘finite resources,’ and price rises. Their argument that resources are limited does not hold water because these resources are artificially manufactured into scarcities by the private ownership of said means of production, distribution and exchange. Even when the Covid crisis was haunting the planet many less well-off countries were denied the right to manufacture the vaccine, despite having the personnel and resources to do so. Western capitalism refused them the right to manufacture their own vaccine using ‘Intellectual Copyright’ legislation. This means that the big pharmaceutical companies like Pfizer, Johnson and Johnson, AbbVie and Merck and Co, who own the ‘Intellectual Copyrights’ to these antivirals created a shortage in poorer countries for a vaccine, by charging huge prices out of these countries budgetary reach, for a covid vaccine which was in real terms plentiful. The apparent acceptance that resources are ‘finite’ offers no real answer as to how we can ‘de-finite’ them! The IRSP appear, like Sinn Fein before them, to be advocating the entryism strategy opposed to socialist revolution?

These artificial shortages created by the capitalist system should have been exposed. Such an exposure would also take the wind out of the arguments of the far-right who are, after all, capitalisms insurance policies. Hitler ridiculously blamed the Jews for all Germany’s problems just as far-right groups in Ireland blame immigrants for Irelands economic and social problems. People from Coolock, in Dublin, have been seen linking arms with union flag waving right-wing loyalists in Belfast against immigration. Such actions should have been mentioned and opposed. Problems such as a lack of housing have nothing to do with migrants! For example since the formation of the ‘Irish Free State’ in 1922 a housing problem has been a constant factor in the 26 Counties. Yet not one migrant had stepped foot on Irish shores! Fascism and racism is something the capitalist class and their executive agents have to fall back on if they ever hit real crisis and the working-class stop listening to this crap spouted by the capitalist agencies. It should also have been pointed out in this document that many if not most ‘International Protection Seekers’ fully intend returning home once it is safe to do so. Despite this wish to return by many emphasis should have been given that any form of forced repatriation will be opposed by the IRSP.

The paragraphs in the IRSP document; “Foster divisions” and “False opposition” are very good and should have contained more detail. The capitalist class and their agencies do on a daily basis give the appearance of welcoming immigrants then, a day or so later, be making laws to restrict such migrations and cutting their benefits. Following the governments false welcoming the newspapers, if a crime has been committed, will headline, often falsely, blaming immigrants. When this assumption turns out to be untrue, we hear nothing of the error, but the seeds of hatred have been sewn. Once the media have paved the way, far-right elements will do the rest cultivating such prejudice. I have seen it first hand – immigrants being blamed for crimes carried out by indigenous people. The rape of a woman by an Irish Taxi Driver comes to mind. A punter in my local immediately blamed, “foreigners” and “fucking immigrants” for this crime which had nothing to do with people from elsewhere. When the truth was pointed out to him, he almost burst into tears!

As far as the fictitious shortage of resources are concerned, the only class which can liberate said resources are the working-class. It is this fear of a unified proletariat which has the capitalists in a permanent state of alert. The last thing the capitalist class, or system, want is a unified working-class irrespective of colour, creed, religion, sexual orientation or ethnic origin. Country of birth is of no consequence, remember James Connolly’s song; “Our demands most moderate are – we only want the earth”. The earth belongs to all of us and that is the ultimate aim of international socialism leading to true communism. “An injury to one is a concern to us all”

It is the job of the revolutionary Marxist party not to shift following right-wing populism but to combat such thinkings. It is the job of Marxists to argue against such folly, not offer solutions which could be perceived by some as akin to such rubbish. It is the role of such a party to explain to the masses the errors and folly of following the fascists. Documents such as this IRSP ‘Policy Document’ is a golden opportunity to explain why immigration is not the bogey man the fascists and racists would have people believe. The people of East Wall in Dublin, for example, have a tradition of fighting the employers dating back to the 1913/14 Dublin Lockout. This fighting spirit has been hijacked by the far-right groups into opposing immigration. Perhaps the Dublin IRSP should have been present in East Wall in the early days to offer an alternative to the fascists reminding these East Wall people of their tradition dating back to James Connolly.

The end of the document cites the ‘Democratic Programme of the ‘First Dail’ January 1919. At the time this was a revolutionary programme in a time when ‘liberal democracy’ as we know it was in its infancy. The IRSP Policy Document has potential but seems to me trapped in a reformist straight jacket, it needs to be more explanatory about its political position and has the scope to do so. With some more clarity it has the basis of a good document outlining an anti-racist policy on immigration.

Caoimhin O’Muraile is Independent Socialist Republican and Marxist.

IRSP Immigration Policy Document

Orghan offers a critique of a recent IRSP 
document on immigration.

The response to migrant workers accepting abysmal working conditions as a consequence of their precarious position is not to limit immigration, but to fight alongside them in unions and on the streets, against our common enemy. 

It is our common enemy, the capitalist ruling class, that you correctly state has an interest in keeping wages low and conditions bad, which is something that they can achieve by employing migrant workers. Why then is your reaction to this to curry the favour of this ruling class that oppresses us all? Do you not dare dream bigger than to be allowed to do the precarious work that migrants are currently doing? You could be dreaming of a united working class, realising our power through sheer numbers. But saddeningly, you are giving in to this reactionary tendency which pits workers against each other.

This brings us to the most important part of this critique: At many points in your paper, you package what is obviously a reactionary position in leftist rhetoric. Firstly, this doesn't change that anti-immigration positions oppose the interest of the international working-class movement. Secondly, we see no other explanation for this than that you hope to gain support from working-class people who are unfortunately drifting off into reactionary politics more and more as a consequence of right-wing propaganda. We struggle with the same issue of especially working-class people falling for these talking points that obviously oppose their interest here in Switzerland as well. It is a trend that can be observed in all of Europe. But our response to this cannot be to jump on the same trend. Yes, leftist movements can gain supporters by adapting right-wing positions, but at what cost? Who would these new-found supporters be? Our comrades?

Surely not. They remain reactionaries if they enter our organisations due to us ceding our revolutionary position. We cannot grow our revolutionary movement by betraying it. We must grow it by focussing on the workers who are open to our leftist positions to join our cause. We must work on our propaganda in hopes of also reaching those who have already started going down the right-wing path and convincing them to turn around, instead of meeting them on the right side.

Furthermore, it is at least our local experience that migrant workers tend to have a lot more class-consciousness than local workers, especially if they hail from countries with strong labour movements.

The unions that make the effort to address them directly quickly find these migrant workers to form the frontline of their movement. You talk of "numbers" entering Ireland, but they are not numbers, they are people! The vast majority of them working-class, many from regions suffering from a history of colonisation, which often contributes to them being driven from their homes.

Resources like food, housing, etc. are not scarce, and this perceived scarcity is not a consequence of immigration but of how these resources are made available to the people. You even correctly state this yourselves in your paragraphs about landlordism. In capitalism, there is generally overproduction, the problem lies in how the products of our labour are distrubuted. As long as the working class is not in power, these resources are being distributed by capitalists.

They distribute them inefficiently and unfairly in order to sow dissent among workers. With the rhethoric you use in this paper, you are lending the capitalists a helping hand.

As an internationalist organisation, we have joined the IRSP's events in the past, as well as organised acts of solidarity with the Irish movement here in Switzerland. Under these new conditions, we will no longer be able or willing to participate in IRSP marches or events. Nor will we organise any actions of solidarity for the IRSP in the future. Some of us will be in Ireland for Easter, but we would not join the IRSP march.

We urge you not to give in to capitalist tactics of division and to stand for a strong, internationally united working class. Should this proposed paper become your official position, you are crossing a line which would no longer allow us in good conscience to support your organisation. While we remain unwaveringly committed to the cause of a free and united Ireland, we will find ways to put this position into practice that do not involve working with an organisation that is prepared to stab the international workers' movement in the back in exchange for short-term gains.

Orghan is a Swiss anti-capitalist collective.

IRSP Wrong On Immigration

Tina WoodsLast week, the Irish Republican Socialist Party (IRSP) released a policy document addressing immigration in Ireland.

However, sections of the Left, particularly those aligned with People Before Profit (PBP), swiftly criticized the IRSP's stance without fully engaging with the substance of their proposal. 

It appears that the primary detractors either failed to thoroughly review the document, lacked comprehension thereof, or hastily dismissed it based on superficial grounds. 

What exactly does the IRSP advocate in their proposal? In essence, the IRSP suggests that in a prospective Irish Socialist Republic, the future government could enact measures to regulate immigration, considering its potential economic benefits for the working class. However, the document refrains from delineating specific measures or endorsing a rigid stance on border policies. Instead, it asserts the prerogative of a socialist government to implement measures deemed appropriate. 

A notable critique of the document is its focus on the negative aspects of immigration without acknowledging its potential positive contributions, whether cultural or social. While the IRSP may argue that the document solely emphasizes the economic impact, it could benefit from a more comprehensive examination of immigration's broader implications. 

One pivotal aspect of the policy is its contrarian stance to the narrative propagated by PBP. This distinction is largely underscored by the defense mounted by IRSP members, rather than the policy's substantive content. The IRSP contends that dismissing the concerns of working-class individuals regarding immigration as inherently racist is a fallacious approach. This sentiment was conspicuously absent during the North Wall protests, where such concerns were summarily disregarded. Instead, the IRSP advocates for a nuanced understanding of these legitimate apprehensions among working-class communities. Rather than vilifying them, there is a call to empathize with their grievances and redirect their frustrations toward the systemic exploitation perpetuated by capitalistic structures, rather than scapegoating immigrants. 

Furthermore, the IRSP aptly highlights the peril of ignoring the grievances of significant segments of the working class, which could potentially fuel the ascent of far-right ideologies. This void could be readily exploited by extremist elements seeking to promulgate racist agendas, as evidenced by their adept utilization of social media platforms. 

In conclusion, the IRSP's perspective warrants consideration and merits commendation for its pragmatic approach to the issue at hand. By endeavoring to channel and address societal frustrations while engaging with marginalized communities, they aim to mitigate the risk of further polarization fueled by categorical denunciations from the political left.

Tina Woods is a North Antrim Trade Unionist.

Analyzing The IRSP Immigration Policy

Michael KellyThe Electoral Commission has until 8th April to decide whether or not they will allow the Irish Republican Socialist Party stand in May’s Stormont Assembly elections.

Back in January the party publicly announced two solid Republican Socialist community workers to put their program firmly into the public domain.

Dan Murphy a 27-year-old bar man and founder of the ‘Beechmount Resident’s Collective’ stood forward for West Belfast; while in Derry, 38-year-old Collie McLaughlin, a family man and founder of the equally effective ‘Galliagh Community Response’ group stepped up to the mark for the North West.

Dan Murphy

Both typified the recent re-growth of a party which many had written off many times in the past only to be proved wrong.

In recent years and against all the odds, the IRSP have taken the concept of community work to new heights in working class areas of the North. Fighting off poverty, evictions and social disenfranchisement with a vigour matched by no other party. In no small way they also took the lead on the issue of Irish Unity. Launching a tour of public meetings under the banner ‘Yes for Unity’; stating that a United Ireland should not be trusted to the interests of big business and instead encouraging working class people to seize border poll initiatives here, before they became monopolised by the right.

This activism came with an enthusiasm and practical effectiveness that soon attracted an impressive new wave of talented, ideologically driven younger people to the party. Just as encouragingly, many older, once disillusioned, members began also to return to the IRSP, convinced that the time was finally right. The return to the party of their former Newry branch was a case in point, deeply moving for all and celebrated by everyone.

And it was in recognition of just this renewal, that the IRSP moved to utilise the electoral system in an attempt to promote their program in just the way which Seamus Costello had directed them to back in the late 1970s. May’s Assembly elections would be the chosen platform.

Party registration papers were submitted to the Electoral Commission on January 20th, inside the deadline. And there they sat for a full two months, with no objections raised and no comment made by those who had received them.

The IRSP went on to fundraise, canvass and strategize, for Dan Murphy in Belfast and Collie McLaughlin in Derry.

Collie McLaughlin

A full two months later, on March 21st, the Electoral Commission replied that the IRSP application for party registration was rejected. The reason? An older digitally held version of the parties’ constitution (one which had been accepted by them in the past) had been mistakenly submitted instead of the updated model.

Within hours the party moved to rectify the situation and submitted the intended document; confident that with reason, rationality and common sense, their application to stand would move forward without any further delay.

They were wrong.

Now responding much more promptly than before (3 days, no less) the electoral commission informed the IRSP on 25th of March that they would not rectify the situation, regardless of our having applied well within the deadline and regardless of their own two-month silence as to the existence of an anomaly.

The IRSP were merely assured further that any re-application to register would be too late to meet the final election nomination deadline date of April 8th 2022.

The IRSP is now unashamedly suspicious of why the Electoral Commission – a state body tasked with the smooth running of elections - were so very slow to highlight a barrier to our participation, yet very quick to inform us (twice in the space of 3 days no less) that we could not stand candidates as the IRSP.

We reject their assertion that there is any real logistical barrier to their accepting our constitution between now and April 8th, and should they fail to make reasonable moves to rectify the situation, we can only assume that our party and our supporters, will have been deliberately disenfranchised by delay.

Whether under the banner of the IRSP or as independents; Collie McLaughlin and Dan Murphy will run for election on May 5th. Should their only option be the latter; the IRSP would ask all well-meaning Republicans, Socialists and progressives to show their support for reason and to stand against poorly hidden state censorship by giving them your vote.

⏩Michael Kelly is the Election Agent for Dan Murphy, IRSP

IRSP ✑ Disenfranchised By Delay

Sean Matthews  ✒ The Irish Republican Socialist Movement display of Soviet flags and support for Russian militarism covered in the media and the 'anti-fascist' facade they seek to propagate needs to be exposed and opposed.

Jumping into bed with Putin or any other tyrant should be an anathema to republican socialism as your enemy's enemy is usually not your friend. Unless of course, as a cynic might suggest, they and their offices are on the pay of Putin's cheque. 

The Euromaidan uprising in Ukraine in 2014 may have resulted in the neoconservative regime that it ended up with, but there is no one who is under any illusion that the non-acceptance of that regime came out of Russia's 'anti-fascist' sentiment or its 'need to protect Russian citizens'. After all, Putin's authoritarian regime in Russia has rewarded Nazis and fascists inside the country by imprisoning and killing anti-fascists (some of which I know), while the numerous interventions of Russian imperialism in areas of the former USSR needed no such justification.

It is the duty of those on the left and progressive circles to oppose both Russian militarism and NATO expansionism. The only losers from the war are the world working class, especially in Ukraine and Russia. They are the ones destined to be the cannon fodder of the states and the capitalists. 

This imperialist war is being waged for the sharing of spheres of influence, energy routes and the rearrangement of geopolitical power. This system gives birth to wars and is responsible for poverty, injustice, exploitation and oppression. It is therefore time to challenge it in an organised and dynamic way, organising its overthrow on an international scale.

⏩ Sean Matthews is an anarchist activist and writer.

Russia Has Rewarded Nazis And Fascists