Dr John Coulter ✍ It may still be a few days until the Stormont Christmas recess as well as the traditional school holidays, but there’s no doubt all the political parties have been in election mode since the start of the academic year in September.
Put bluntly, although it is around 18 months until the next Assembly showdown in May 2027, it is clear from any of the local weekly newspapers in Northern Ireland as well as social media, that the starting gun for that election has already been fired.
Within the pro-Union community, all eyes will be fixed on the DUP to see if it can hold its position as the lead Unionist party, or will 2027 become the DUP’s 2003 - the year the Ulster Unionists lost their position as top dog in Unionism to the DUP.
The UUP’s disastrous showing in 2003’s Assembly poll was followed up two years later with another drubbing in the Westminster elections, firmly cementing the DUP’s pole position in Unionism and paving the way for the following year’s St Andrews Agreement and the return of a DUP/Sinn Fein-led power-sharing Executive at Stormont in 2007.
The 2007 era under Rev Ian Paisley as First Minister with Sinn Fein’s Martin McGuinness as deputy First Minister - known as the Chuckle Brothers - is widely viewed as one of the most stable periods of devolution in the history of the current Assembly since it was first elected in 1998.
In 2027, the DUP will be fighting on two fronts - preventing progressive pro-Union voters going back to the Ulster Unionists, whilst at the same time, stopping more hardline pro-Union voters defecting to the TUV.
The UUP will have its own challenges, namely persuading moderate pro-Union voters who defected to Alliance to return to the UUP fold.
In this battle for votes, all pro-Union parties will have two major lobbies to canvas. Firstly, there is the seemingly large numbers of ‘stay at home’ voters who have lost faith in the ballot box.
Gone are the days when Unionist elected representatives could boast of 30,000-vote majorities. How many Assembly seats have been lost by the pro-Union community because of a lack of voter turnout and bitter rivalry between the parties resulting in pro-Union voters not transferring to other pro-Union parties?
Gone, too, for the DUP are the slogans of the Paisleyite era, such as the 1985 local government poll when the battle cry was ‘Smash Sinn Fein’ with Rev Ian Paisley pictured brandishing a sledgehammer.
The problem for the DUP is ironically the long-term fallout from that St Andrews Agreement of almost two decades ago. Part of the deal was to change how the First and deputy First Ministers were selected.
Prior to 2006, the posts were decided by the largest designations - Unionism, nationalism, or Other. From the 1998 Assembly, these positions were held by David Trimble of the UUP and the SDLP’s Seamus Mallon.
However, under St Andrews, the DUP got this selection process changed to the largest party rather than designation. Perhaps the DUP - then the largest party in the Assembly in 2006 - assumed it would always remain the top dog at Stormont.
But the numbers game is no longer adding up for the DUP and St Andrews, whilst it hugely benefitted the DUP in 2006, is now a political millstone around the party’s neck as Sinn Fein is now the largest party in the Stormont Chamber and holds the post of First Minister.
So for Unionism to once again hold the First Minister’s position in 2027, two elements would have to come into play. Firstly, there would have to be massive tactical voting for the DUP within the pro-Union community, especially from the UUP and TUV, both of which are nudging up gradually in the opinion polls.
Secondly, under reform of the Assembly, the St Andrews rule would have to be scrapped and a return to the 1998 largest designation era. The worst case scenario for the pro-Union community is that the Unionist vote becomes so evenly split between DUP, TUV, UUP and Independent Unionists that Lagan Valley Syndrome becomes the order of the day.
In the last Westminster General Election, the traditionally safe Unionist seat of Lagan Valley fell to Alliance because of a three-way split in the pro-Union vote.
The DUP also faces a problem of political direction with rumours abounding of ideological splits within the party, with some wanting a more moderate approach, while others want a traditional fundamentalist old-style Paisleyite approach.
The elephant in the room for the DUP continues to be the TUV. Whilst the latter has only one MLA, the TUV has been steadily increasing in opinion polls and if it can present itself as much more transfer friendly, could easily tally its Assembly members to double figures.
Ironically, the same dilemma faces the UUP. Does it continue along the existing ultra moderate Nesbitt route of being a liberal Unionist party capable of attracting pro-Union voters back from Alliance, or does it adopt a more Right-wing approach capable of attracting transfers from the DUP.
Just as many pro-Union voters opted for Alliance as a protest against the Unionist parties, especially over Brexit, could disillusioned DUP voters opt for the UUP which could see Ulster Unionism back into double figures in terms of MLAs.
Put bluntly, there will have to be some form of Unionist co-operation if the pro-Union parties want to see more folk, especially from the loyalist communities, re-engage with the ballot box on polling day.
Likewise, the recent Supreme Court ruling on religious education in schools has acted as a massive mobilisation boost for the Christian church lobby in Northern Ireland, spanning the religious divide. But who will the church vote drift too?
Could we see evangelicals and fundamentalists save the DUP electorally in the same way that the fundamentalist Free Presbyterian Church of Ulster, founded by Paisley senior in 1951, was once the cornerstone of the DUP. Or could that church vote abandon the DUP in flocks and plump for the TUV.
Whilst there has been much debate within the pro-Union community about the need to focus on middle of the road voters, if the current opinion polls become election results in 2027, has the Alliance bubble finally burst?
Just as the Liberal Democrats have found to their cost at Westminster when they have climbed into bed politically with either of the supposed Big Two in the House of Commons, could Alliance come to deeply regret the day it has sided with the SDLP and Sinn Fein in voting strategies.
Put bluntly, although it is around 18 months until the next Assembly showdown in May 2027, it is clear from any of the local weekly newspapers in Northern Ireland as well as social media, that the starting gun for that election has already been fired.
Within the pro-Union community, all eyes will be fixed on the DUP to see if it can hold its position as the lead Unionist party, or will 2027 become the DUP’s 2003 - the year the Ulster Unionists lost their position as top dog in Unionism to the DUP.
The UUP’s disastrous showing in 2003’s Assembly poll was followed up two years later with another drubbing in the Westminster elections, firmly cementing the DUP’s pole position in Unionism and paving the way for the following year’s St Andrews Agreement and the return of a DUP/Sinn Fein-led power-sharing Executive at Stormont in 2007.
The 2007 era under Rev Ian Paisley as First Minister with Sinn Fein’s Martin McGuinness as deputy First Minister - known as the Chuckle Brothers - is widely viewed as one of the most stable periods of devolution in the history of the current Assembly since it was first elected in 1998.
In 2027, the DUP will be fighting on two fronts - preventing progressive pro-Union voters going back to the Ulster Unionists, whilst at the same time, stopping more hardline pro-Union voters defecting to the TUV.
The UUP will have its own challenges, namely persuading moderate pro-Union voters who defected to Alliance to return to the UUP fold.
In this battle for votes, all pro-Union parties will have two major lobbies to canvas. Firstly, there is the seemingly large numbers of ‘stay at home’ voters who have lost faith in the ballot box.
Gone are the days when Unionist elected representatives could boast of 30,000-vote majorities. How many Assembly seats have been lost by the pro-Union community because of a lack of voter turnout and bitter rivalry between the parties resulting in pro-Union voters not transferring to other pro-Union parties?
Gone, too, for the DUP are the slogans of the Paisleyite era, such as the 1985 local government poll when the battle cry was ‘Smash Sinn Fein’ with Rev Ian Paisley pictured brandishing a sledgehammer.
The problem for the DUP is ironically the long-term fallout from that St Andrews Agreement of almost two decades ago. Part of the deal was to change how the First and deputy First Ministers were selected.
Prior to 2006, the posts were decided by the largest designations - Unionism, nationalism, or Other. From the 1998 Assembly, these positions were held by David Trimble of the UUP and the SDLP’s Seamus Mallon.
However, under St Andrews, the DUP got this selection process changed to the largest party rather than designation. Perhaps the DUP - then the largest party in the Assembly in 2006 - assumed it would always remain the top dog at Stormont.
But the numbers game is no longer adding up for the DUP and St Andrews, whilst it hugely benefitted the DUP in 2006, is now a political millstone around the party’s neck as Sinn Fein is now the largest party in the Stormont Chamber and holds the post of First Minister.
So for Unionism to once again hold the First Minister’s position in 2027, two elements would have to come into play. Firstly, there would have to be massive tactical voting for the DUP within the pro-Union community, especially from the UUP and TUV, both of which are nudging up gradually in the opinion polls.
Secondly, under reform of the Assembly, the St Andrews rule would have to be scrapped and a return to the 1998 largest designation era. The worst case scenario for the pro-Union community is that the Unionist vote becomes so evenly split between DUP, TUV, UUP and Independent Unionists that Lagan Valley Syndrome becomes the order of the day.
In the last Westminster General Election, the traditionally safe Unionist seat of Lagan Valley fell to Alliance because of a three-way split in the pro-Union vote.
The DUP also faces a problem of political direction with rumours abounding of ideological splits within the party, with some wanting a more moderate approach, while others want a traditional fundamentalist old-style Paisleyite approach.
The elephant in the room for the DUP continues to be the TUV. Whilst the latter has only one MLA, the TUV has been steadily increasing in opinion polls and if it can present itself as much more transfer friendly, could easily tally its Assembly members to double figures.
Ironically, the same dilemma faces the UUP. Does it continue along the existing ultra moderate Nesbitt route of being a liberal Unionist party capable of attracting pro-Union voters back from Alliance, or does it adopt a more Right-wing approach capable of attracting transfers from the DUP.
Just as many pro-Union voters opted for Alliance as a protest against the Unionist parties, especially over Brexit, could disillusioned DUP voters opt for the UUP which could see Ulster Unionism back into double figures in terms of MLAs.
Put bluntly, there will have to be some form of Unionist co-operation if the pro-Union parties want to see more folk, especially from the loyalist communities, re-engage with the ballot box on polling day.
Likewise, the recent Supreme Court ruling on religious education in schools has acted as a massive mobilisation boost for the Christian church lobby in Northern Ireland, spanning the religious divide. But who will the church vote drift too?
Could we see evangelicals and fundamentalists save the DUP electorally in the same way that the fundamentalist Free Presbyterian Church of Ulster, founded by Paisley senior in 1951, was once the cornerstone of the DUP. Or could that church vote abandon the DUP in flocks and plump for the TUV.
Whilst there has been much debate within the pro-Union community about the need to focus on middle of the road voters, if the current opinion polls become election results in 2027, has the Alliance bubble finally burst?
Just as the Liberal Democrats have found to their cost at Westminster when they have climbed into bed politically with either of the supposed Big Two in the House of Commons, could Alliance come to deeply regret the day it has sided with the SDLP and Sinn Fein in voting strategies.
| Follow Dr John Coulter on Twitter @JohnAHCoulter John is a Director for Belfast’s Christian radio station, Sunshine 1049 FM. |










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