The Irish Self Determination League (ISDL) was formed in Manchester (though some argue London) in 1919 at the request of Sinn Fein President, Eamonn de Valera. The ISDL spread through England and was open for membership to Irish people living in England and those of Irish descent.
Support for Irish freedom was also policy in some of the major trade unions, not least the Miners Federation of Great Britain (MFGB). There were those in the ranks of the ISDL many of whom were also trade union activists who wished to go a little further than just supporting the fight but wanted an active part in that fight.
Much is documented about groups in Manchester over the years of struggle, the Manchester Martyrs of 1867 for example and various organisations in Liverpool – which also had/has a number of Orange lodges – but little is written about the North East of England. ‘Much of the archived material focuses on the more heavily documented Manchester and London IRA units but much less is known of the North East network’ which was a vital component of the broader IRA campaign. These volunteers spoke with Geordie, Mackem, or Teesside accents not an Irish brogue!! They were born in most cases of Irish extraction, in Newcastle, Jarrow, Sunderland, Stockton on Tees, County Durham of Irish parentage, grand parentage. The brigade were sworn in by Liam McMahon who was despatched from Dublin to administer the IRA oath. The brigade was divided into units which centred on locating and seizing explosives, detonators, and industrial materials from mines and warehouses to transport across the sea to Ireland. The IRA brigade in North East England regularly worked with and under the command of the Scottish Brigade which was larger. They also did operations alone like the bombing of the Jarrow Bridge spanning the River Don which was constructed back in the 19th century. They also carried out attacks on economic targets and the firebombing of various industrial and commercial targets of interest and benefit to the war.
This IRA brigade in the North East was commanded by local man, Richard Purcell who was born in Kilkenny, a former Coal Miner who worked at Coxlodge Colliery until its closure in 1894 then moving sites with other miners, and his quartermaster, Gilbert Barrington, a Schoolteacher with Joseph Connolly who was the Adjutant. These men were responsible for the entire Tyne and Wear area to as far south as Middlesborough and even touching the outskirts of the coastal town of Whitby.
This IRA brigade in the North East was commanded by local man, Richard Purcell who was born in Kilkenny, a former Coal Miner who worked at Coxlodge Colliery until its closure in 1894 then moving sites with other miners, and his quartermaster, Gilbert Barrington, a Schoolteacher with Joseph Connolly who was the Adjutant. These men were responsible for the entire Tyne and Wear area to as far south as Middlesborough and even touching the outskirts of the coastal town of Whitby.
The tentacles of the IRA during the War of Independence reached considerably further than the shores of ‘Cork to Donegall’. The largest IRA company in the North East of England was Jarrow with over 90 Volunteers. By November 1920 the IRA in this area consisted of six companies comprising 190 men and by early 1921 that number had risen to around 480-90 Volunteers. The IRA in England stretched the full geography of the country with Scotland a separate command and considered a separate country.
From London, Birmingham, Liverpool and perhaps the largest brigade in England, Manchester, these IRA brigades split into units played a vital part in the overall strategy during the War of Independence. The least documented of these brigades and perhaps the most active was the IRA in the ‘Tyne and Wear’ area (called such because the area covered the River Tyne in Newcastle, Geordies, and the River Wear in Sunderland, Mackem’s). Warehouses and factories were often set alight in IRA attacks in the region costing their middle-class owners a lot of money. Certain agricultural targets were also favourites for selection of attacks by the local IRA. These attacks were something regular in Ireland against crown forces and their big business allies but in the North East of England? These attacks must have come as a shock to the locals who, if they had heard of the Irish ‘War of Independence’ at all, probably considered it something happening in Ireland!
In December 1921 a republican delegation headed by Michael Collins and Arthur Griffith met with British Prime Minister, David Lloyd George, and a high-powered team consisting of, among others, Winston Churchill and the anti-Irish lord Birkenhead (F.E. Smith). On offer was an agreement which, if the terms were agreed and ratified by both Houses of Parliament, would lead to a treaty between the two countries. With much reluctance and reservations the Irish delegation signed these terms, and in January 1922 the Dail narrowly ratified the terms by 63 votes in favour to 57 against. Westminster had ratified the same terms earlier so was born the ‘Anglo/Irish Treaty’ which led to the Irish Civil War.
In December 1921 a republican delegation headed by Michael Collins and Arthur Griffith met with British Prime Minister, David Lloyd George, and a high-powered team consisting of, among others, Winston Churchill and the anti-Irish lord Birkenhead (F.E. Smith). On offer was an agreement which, if the terms were agreed and ratified by both Houses of Parliament, would lead to a treaty between the two countries. With much reluctance and reservations the Irish delegation signed these terms, and in January 1922 the Dail narrowly ratified the terms by 63 votes in favour to 57 against. Westminster had ratified the same terms earlier so was born the ‘Anglo/Irish Treaty’ which led to the Irish Civil War.
The IRA in the North East of England came down fractionally on the anti-Treaty side with Gilbert Barrington particularly outspoken against the ‘Irish Free State’ which was formed as a result of the Treaty. The Treaty split the movement in North East England and this split caused much bitterness among former comrades which was the case also in Ireland resulting with open hostilities in the Irish Civil War. Barrington, who was deeply committed to the Republic proclaimed at Easter Week 1916, was interned by the Free State on one of his anti-Treaty tours of Ireland. He later assumed his career as a School Teacher when all hostilities had ceased, ironically working for a time with ‘Cissie’ Brennan at St. Bede’s School.
Complimenting the IRA in the Tyne and Wear area was an official branch of the republican women’s section, Cumann na mBan – League of Women – headed by Cecilia ‘Cissie’ Brennan, along with her sisters, Francis and Mildred, who were also members of Cumann na mBan. Theresa Mason and Mary Summerville, who was also an IRA Training Officer in firearms, were, along with many others, also Cumann na mBan activists. Jarrow was the largest area of activity of Cumann na mBan in the area, and it was from here Cissie Brennan and her sisters came. Similar to Gilbert Barrington Brennan was a School Teacher and would later become Head Teacher at Saint Bede’s Catholic school in Jarrow. She had started as an assistant school teacher at the same school gravitating later to Head Teacher in 1928. She took command of Jarrow’s nascent Cumann na mBan in late 1920.
Complimenting the IRA in the Tyne and Wear area was an official branch of the republican women’s section, Cumann na mBan – League of Women – headed by Cecilia ‘Cissie’ Brennan, along with her sisters, Francis and Mildred, who were also members of Cumann na mBan. Theresa Mason and Mary Summerville, who was also an IRA Training Officer in firearms, were, along with many others, also Cumann na mBan activists. Jarrow was the largest area of activity of Cumann na mBan in the area, and it was from here Cissie Brennan and her sisters came. Similar to Gilbert Barrington Brennan was a School Teacher and would later become Head Teacher at Saint Bede’s Catholic school in Jarrow. She had started as an assistant school teacher at the same school gravitating later to Head Teacher in 1928. She took command of Jarrow’s nascent Cumann na mBan in late 1920.
Similar to Irish branches, those of North East England participated in courier work, medical aid, and gathering intelligence and procuring arms. The North East branches operated within a wider network of Irish nationalist women in Britain, working to raise funds to support the families of IRA Volunteers and to arm and equip the IRA in their area. Princess Street in Jarrow was home to Cumann na mBan members and A Company of the IRA. Cumann na mBan as a whole were formed on 2nd April 1914 and with the formation of the ISDL and a little later an IRA brigade in the North East England area it was inevitable the women would organise in the area. Cumann na mBan activity was recorded in Jarrow as early as 1920 and continued until after the Civil War in 1923.
When the Irish Civil War ended in May 1923, resulting in a pro-Treaty victory against the anti-Treaty IRA, the organisation in Tyne and Wear as such ceased. The clouds of war were gathering for the working-class in England as the employers were planning an offensive against organised labour, pay and conditions and general living standards which were already very low. This culminated in a general strike called by the TUC in support of the Miners in 1926.
When the Irish Civil War ended in May 1923, resulting in a pro-Treaty victory against the anti-Treaty IRA, the organisation in Tyne and Wear as such ceased. The clouds of war were gathering for the working-class in England as the employers were planning an offensive against organised labour, pay and conditions and general living standards which were already very low. This culminated in a general strike called by the TUC in support of the Miners in 1926.
Once again, and not for the last time, the Miners were left high and not so dry by the TUC who called off the action after just nine days! What a pity these so-called men of ‘class consciousness’ could not show some of the commitment shown by working-class men and women in collaboration with elements of the petit-bourgeoisie in the North East during Irelands War of Independence. Many of those involved in the war were trade unionists and of those a sizable number were Coal Miners who would be on strike for nine months despite the TUC climb down*.
*The Welsh Miners President, Arthur Horner, served some time with the Irish Citizen Army with who he claimed he did his “conscription”. He moved to Ireland to avoid conscription (despite working in a certified or reserved occupation) into the British Army and being sent to fight for his lords and masters, the propertied and monied classes, and decided to serve with the trade union based Irish Citizen Army. On his return to Wales Horner was imprisoned for a time but after huge protests organised by the Welsh MFGB he was released. His job as a weighman in the pits on union insistence was kept open as was his role of President of the Welsh Miners Federation.
*The Welsh Miners President, Arthur Horner, served some time with the Irish Citizen Army with who he claimed he did his “conscription”. He moved to Ireland to avoid conscription (despite working in a certified or reserved occupation) into the British Army and being sent to fight for his lords and masters, the propertied and monied classes, and decided to serve with the trade union based Irish Citizen Army. On his return to Wales Horner was imprisoned for a time but after huge protests organised by the Welsh MFGB he was released. His job as a weighman in the pits on union insistence was kept open as was his role of President of the Welsh Miners Federation.
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| Caoimhin O’Muraile is Independent Socialist Republican and Marxist. |
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