I was invited to speak because of the role I played in America during the Hunger Strike as illustrated in the recent RTE documentary Noraid: Irish America and the IRA, with a special request to speak about the meaning of the Hunger Strike itself and the contributions made by Rhode Island Noraid members.
I did not choose or agree with the wording on the monument. The people who worked to get the monument are sincere and I believe the wording would have been suggested to them.
When I learned of the inscription I decided it was important to attend and speak about what the Hunger Strikers died for as well as remember ordinary people in Rhode Island and across the United States who worked under my leadership to support them.
I could have backed out and cleared the way for the inscription to be the only narrative the large crowd would ever hear.
My speech can be viewed below as an the flyer I was sent as an invitation.
I did not choose or agree with the wording on the monument. The people who worked to get the monument are sincere and I believe the wording would have been suggested to them.
When I learned of the inscription I decided it was important to attend and speak about what the Hunger Strikers died for as well as remember ordinary people in Rhode Island and across the United States who worked under my leadership to support them.
I could have backed out and cleared the way for the inscription to be the only narrative the large crowd would ever hear.
My speech can be viewed below as an the flyer I was sent as an invitation.
I stand by my decision to stand up and speak out instead of backing out.
↭ Martin Galvin
↭ Martin Galvin
Martin Galvin 2023 Rhode Island Hunger Strike Commemoration speech.
May 5th 2023 marked forty-two years from the day Bobby Sands MP became the first of ten Irish patriots to die on Hunger Strike in an unequal battle, resisting Britain’s attempt to brand them and Ireland’s struggle against British rule as criminals.
The importance Britain placed on this policy of criminalization is clearly illustrated by the brutal measures the British took to achieve their objective.
Following internment on August 9, 1971, the British proclaimed that Irish suspects held without charge, trial or legal rights were mere criminals and not political prisoners. Republicans resisted. Legendary Belfast Irish Republican Army commander Billy McKee led a hunger strike against criminalization.
Ultimately the British conceded the principle, if not the words. Special category status was created. Conditions associated with prisoner-of-war status, such as no criminal uniform, no prison work, association with other political prisoners, were awarded.
It soon became embarrassing for even the most stiff upper-lipped of British ministers to proclaim that there were no Republican political prisoners merely criminals in Long Kesh or Armagh Women’s Prison, only to be asked why were so many Irish prisoners recognized as special category.
Commissions were empaneled and a strategy contrived. British ministers proclaimed a new era of justice and the end of internment. Meanwhile the British planned non-jury Diplock courts and built H-blocks cells. Behind the facade of justice the British devised a new strategy to portray Irish political prisoners as criminals, and use them to criminalize Ireland’s long struggle against British rule.
An artificial date of March 1, 1976 was picked. Those jailed for actions taking place on or before February 28, 1976 would be recognized as special category prisoners, not wear a criminal uniform and instead, granted all of the conditions of political status. Those engaging in the very same actions as part of the same struggle after that date, were to be branded as criminals. They would be made wear criminal uniforms, locked-down in H-blocks cells, and be portrayed as criminals.
The British would use them to tell the world and particularly America, that there was no Irish struggle for freedom just criminals committing crimes.
Kieran Nugent became the first Republican prisoner handed a criminal uniform. He shouted at his British jailers they would have to nail it to his back to force him to wear it. Alone, he tied a blanket around himself and resisted every attempt to bully, beat and break him into accepting the garb of a criminal, and of course paid a terrible psychological and physical price.
Within a short time Hundreds of “Blanketmen” would be held in Long Kesh. The British tried beatings, brutal searches, intimidation and loss of remission to make them wear a criminal uniform and surrender to Britain’s policy of criminalization. This steadily escalating brutality to break the Blanketmen and the women prisoners in Armagh was resisted by an escalating protest campaign by Republican prisoners.
Cardinal O’Fiaich tried to solve the crisis. All attempts at honorable resolution were rejected by the British.
Brendan Hughes and the H-Block Blanketmen appealed for Irish American support, recognizing that America would be a crucial battleground in the fight against British criminalization. Irish Northern Aid assisted by the AOH, Irish County Associations, H-Block Committees, organized publicity tours by Blanketmen like Kieran Nugent, and began demonstrations around the country.
Finally in October 1980, Brendan Hughes led a 53 day Hunger Strike. Instead of moving to resolve the issues at the end of this first Hunger Strike, British Prime Minister Thatcher thought she could double down on repression and break the struggle by breaking the prisoners.
On March 1, 1981 Bobby Sands began a second Hunger Strike.
Ten Irish Republican prisonerS Bobby Sands MP, Francis Hughes, Raymond McCreesh, Patsy O’Hara, Joe McDonnell, Martin Hurson, Kevin Lynch, Kieran Doherty TD, Thomas McElwee and Mickey Devine, would ultimately give their lives on hunger strike rather than betray their struggle by accepting criminalization.
Thatcher was beaten albeit at a terrible price. The world recognized that criminals do not die such deaths for the freedom of their country.
The importance Britain placed on this policy of criminalization is clearly illustrated by the brutal measures the British took to achieve their objective.
Following internment on August 9, 1971, the British proclaimed that Irish suspects held without charge, trial or legal rights were mere criminals and not political prisoners. Republicans resisted. Legendary Belfast Irish Republican Army commander Billy McKee led a hunger strike against criminalization.
Ultimately the British conceded the principle, if not the words. Special category status was created. Conditions associated with prisoner-of-war status, such as no criminal uniform, no prison work, association with other political prisoners, were awarded.
It soon became embarrassing for even the most stiff upper-lipped of British ministers to proclaim that there were no Republican political prisoners merely criminals in Long Kesh or Armagh Women’s Prison, only to be asked why were so many Irish prisoners recognized as special category.
Commissions were empaneled and a strategy contrived. British ministers proclaimed a new era of justice and the end of internment. Meanwhile the British planned non-jury Diplock courts and built H-blocks cells. Behind the facade of justice the British devised a new strategy to portray Irish political prisoners as criminals, and use them to criminalize Ireland’s long struggle against British rule.
An artificial date of March 1, 1976 was picked. Those jailed for actions taking place on or before February 28, 1976 would be recognized as special category prisoners, not wear a criminal uniform and instead, granted all of the conditions of political status. Those engaging in the very same actions as part of the same struggle after that date, were to be branded as criminals. They would be made wear criminal uniforms, locked-down in H-blocks cells, and be portrayed as criminals.
The British would use them to tell the world and particularly America, that there was no Irish struggle for freedom just criminals committing crimes.
Kieran Nugent became the first Republican prisoner handed a criminal uniform. He shouted at his British jailers they would have to nail it to his back to force him to wear it. Alone, he tied a blanket around himself and resisted every attempt to bully, beat and break him into accepting the garb of a criminal, and of course paid a terrible psychological and physical price.
Within a short time Hundreds of “Blanketmen” would be held in Long Kesh. The British tried beatings, brutal searches, intimidation and loss of remission to make them wear a criminal uniform and surrender to Britain’s policy of criminalization. This steadily escalating brutality to break the Blanketmen and the women prisoners in Armagh was resisted by an escalating protest campaign by Republican prisoners.
Cardinal O’Fiaich tried to solve the crisis. All attempts at honorable resolution were rejected by the British.
Brendan Hughes and the H-Block Blanketmen appealed for Irish American support, recognizing that America would be a crucial battleground in the fight against British criminalization. Irish Northern Aid assisted by the AOH, Irish County Associations, H-Block Committees, organized publicity tours by Blanketmen like Kieran Nugent, and began demonstrations around the country.
Finally in October 1980, Brendan Hughes led a 53 day Hunger Strike. Instead of moving to resolve the issues at the end of this first Hunger Strike, British Prime Minister Thatcher thought she could double down on repression and break the struggle by breaking the prisoners.
On March 1, 1981 Bobby Sands began a second Hunger Strike.
Ten Irish Republican prisonerS Bobby Sands MP, Francis Hughes, Raymond McCreesh, Patsy O’Hara, Joe McDonnell, Martin Hurson, Kevin Lynch, Kieran Doherty TD, Thomas McElwee and Mickey Devine, would ultimately give their lives on hunger strike rather than betray their struggle by accepting criminalization.
Thatcher was beaten albeit at a terrible price. The world recognized that criminals do not die such deaths for the freedom of their country.
Irish America was a crucial part of this victory. Throughout the United States there were massive daily protests, Congressional and state action, and news coverage which showed that those dying were patriots and not criminals.
Rhode Island can be proud of its part in supporting the Hunger Strikers. As the National Publicity Director of Irish Northern Aid, responsible to Republicans in Ireland to coordinate all support for the Hunger Strikers in America, I can personally tell you how important Rhode Island was to the overall American campaign.
I can attest to the inspired work Rhode Island contributed behind local leaders like Pete Harris, Al McAloon, Norma Jencks and Tom Kelly and so many others. You held large demonstrations at Robert Emmet Square. Governor Garrahy flew flags at half-mast at the death of Bobby Sands. I was flown up for a special event attended by both the Governor and Mayor of Providence. Rhode Island even arranged a special meeting in Washington for me with Senator Pell to support the Hunger Strikers.
Today some in the north want to celebrate the centenary of partition and Britain’s six county state. British rule in the six counties was set up to serve British interests, and was founded upon sectarian discrimination and repression. The Hunger Strikers suffered and died for freedom from British rule.
Today let us remember these patriots with pride, and also remember proudly the important part Irish America and Rhode played in their victory over criminalization.
Rhode Island can be proud of its part in supporting the Hunger Strikers. As the National Publicity Director of Irish Northern Aid, responsible to Republicans in Ireland to coordinate all support for the Hunger Strikers in America, I can personally tell you how important Rhode Island was to the overall American campaign.
I can attest to the inspired work Rhode Island contributed behind local leaders like Pete Harris, Al McAloon, Norma Jencks and Tom Kelly and so many others. You held large demonstrations at Robert Emmet Square. Governor Garrahy flew flags at half-mast at the death of Bobby Sands. I was flown up for a special event attended by both the Governor and Mayor of Providence. Rhode Island even arranged a special meeting in Washington for me with Senator Pell to support the Hunger Strikers.
Today some in the north want to celebrate the centenary of partition and Britain’s six county state. British rule in the six counties was set up to serve British interests, and was founded upon sectarian discrimination and repression. The Hunger Strikers suffered and died for freedom from British rule.
Today let us remember these patriots with pride, and also remember proudly the important part Irish America and Rhode played in their victory over criminalization.
Remembering
those who gave their lives for a
Free and United Ireland
Welcome to the unveiling and dedication of monument honoring the ten brave Irishmen who sacrificed their lives in defiance of the
British claim that Ireland’s centuries long fight
for Independence was a criminal enterprise!
The R.I.
Famine Memorial Monument Site
Providence
River Greenway
May 21, 2023
1:00 p.m.
Followed by a
Reception at the
Irish
Ceilidhe Club of Rhode Island
50
America St
Cranston,
Rhode Island
 |
| Martin Galvin ⏩is Freedom for all Ireland Chair-Ancient Order of Hibernians Former National Publicity Chair –Irish Northern Aid |
I informed Martin Galvin of the content on the supposed hunger strike commemorative plaque in Providence, Rhode Island, USA BEFORE he went to speak at the “commemoration”. I sent him a copy of my letter to James McGetrick, the director of the “1916” Committee” in Rhode Island in which I had vehemently objected to the wording on the plaque— as insulting to the hunger strikers’ families, but they would not change it. Galvin went to speak at this “commemoration” anyway. He could have withdrawn and kept his honour. . He did not..He could have written a letter in protest of the wording as erroneous, distorted and dishonest. He did not.
ReplyDeleteI was the founder and chairman of the New York H-Block/ Armagh Committee and brought numerous delegations from the USA to the north during those days. I was at 4 of the funerals. The prison struggle changed my life, as it did so many of ours. This plaque is pro-Sinn Féin propaganda and it is a lie. The 10 men who died, like those who were on the first hunger strike, did not suffer and die for electoral politics—each developed many years later. That is a blatant lie and indeed, an insult to their memory.
Dixie Eliot is correct, and he has my profound respect for his beautiful, truthful oration in honour of brave patriot Kevin Lynch. He knows that the memory of these brave republicans is too great to be defiled by opportunistic and revisionist lies.
Martin Galvin comments
DeleteGeorge I think you should reread my comments and speech because you seemed to have misunderstood and misstated what I wrote.
You did send me an email with the wording of the inscription a couple of days before the commemoration.
Although I did not mention you directly I thought I made that point clearly when I commented:
When I learned of the inscription I decided it was important to attend and speak about what the Hunger Strikers died for as well as remember ordinary people in Rhode Island and across the United States who worked under my leadership to support them. I could have backed out and cleared the way for the inscription to be the only narrative the large crowd would ever hear.
I did not and do not agree with the wording. I contacted and stated my feelings about the inscription to committee members.
They were surprised and actually considered my feelings very seriously but said by then it was too late to get the inscription carved into a stone monument changed with only days to go before the unveiling.
You had written them just before my conversation, but they said a threatened one person-boycott, by someone who was not involved in the work to get the Monument, was not taken seriously.
Had you or anyone else living in Rhode Island been attending the meetings and let me know what wording was being discussed I might have been able to use my influence to try and get the wording changed.
At this point I could have backed out.
I could have followed the example of those who announce boycotts but really mean they are reluctant to stand on a platform and speak out when it means challenging
speakers from other perspectives.
How do we tell the truth that the Hunger Strikers died for a united Ireland and to deny the British using them as human props to criminalize Ireland's struggle for freedom, if we do not stand up and deny other speakers an uncontested platform to present a different story as accepted truth?
I thought it was important to make the above speech part of the commemoration.
I believe giving that speech, especially to a huge crowd, most of whom were too young to remember the Hunger Strike but came to learn and honor the Hunger Strikers' legacy was the right thing to do.
It is also important to keep in mind that when we disagree , we try to do so in good faith, accepting that others may have principled reasons for having a different view of what is the right thing to do.
George you probably have not seen the recent RTE Documentary Noraid: Irish America and the IRA, but looking back to my commitment to Republicanism since I joined Noraid 49 years ago, it is wholly wrong for anyone to use words like lost honor or sell-out because I decided it was the right thing to give the above speech honoring the Hunger Strikers more than 2 years ago.
There is rarely only one right way to go about these things. I can see both sides of the argument here. Although I would not have been comfortable speaking at it myself, I can see how others would differ. Pat Sheehan might have championed the GFA in his speech but Martin Galvin did not in his own. The key line in his speech for me was The Hunger Strikers suffered and died for freedom from British rule. That is a long way from suffering and dying for the GFA.
DeleteThe inscription is not so wrong in what it says but in what it leaves out: just how the manipulation, dishonesty and deviousness brought a situation about where the outcome of the struggle was the GFA - the very opposite of what the hunger strikers believed in or what the war was fought to achieve.
Imagine for a second the IRA had said its core demand was a British declaration of intent to hold a border poll so that a majority in the North could decide the future of the North. We would all have responded that we got a border poll in March 1973 and bombed London the very day it was held.
If people are happy with the GFA, fine. But I wish they would desist from pretending that it remotely resembled what the war was waged for.
If the IRA demand was for a border poll the British would have been delighted that it was so limited.
Sad that we have so many dead to commemorate when the outcome was available long before they died.