The Easter Rising was originally scheduled for Sunday 23rd April of that year but due to the nominal chief of the Irish Volunteers, Eoin MacNeill, cancelling all volunteer manoeuvres and activities for that day due to the fact he, as nominal chief of Staff, had heard the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB) were planning not the usual manoeuvres but a rising against British rule in Ireland which he opposed.
The Easter Rising had been planned in secret by the IRB which now included the Marxist trade union leader James Connolly among the Army Council. It was decided to postpone the rising for 24 hours after MacNeill’s countermand which was in most newspapers. The two armies to lead the rebellion were the Irish Volunteers, officered by the bourgeois strata of society (the employing classes) with many middle-class men in their ranks as well as trade unionists and shopkeepers or petit bourgeoisie. It would be fair to say the Volunteers would represent the interests of the bourgeoisie generally and their vision of a post rising Ireland, should it have been successful, was poles apart from their allies the Irish Citizen Army.
The ICA was predominantly working-class though not exclusively, as Constance (Countess) Markievicz was an officer in the ICA as was Dr Kathleen Lynn, the ICA medical officer. Most ICA officers were working-class and were elected by the rank and file of the army. Unlike the Irish Volunteers the Irish Citizen Army practiced gender equality as can be gauged by both Markievicz and Lynn holding officer rank, and women were armed and fought alongside the men. A marriage of convenience putting all political ideologies to aside for the duration. The difference was summed up in the RTE series; Rebellion, when an ICA Volunteer met an Irish Volunteers to tell him the rebellion was still on for the 24th. The reaction of both was friendly hugs, with the Irish Citizen Army man shouting “up the workers republic” and the Irish Volunteer man replying “up the republic”. As can be gleaned the word “workers” makes a world of difference to both armed groups ultimate goals. James Connolly, Commandant of the ICA and General Secretary of the Irish Transport and Workers Union (ITGWU), had his own long-term plans depending on three important factors!
Connolly had been planning a rising of his own using the Irish Citizen Army as the vanguard. When an ICA Volunteer asked about their inferior numbers, the ICA had weapons for around 200 volunteers, Connolly replied; “the working-class will make up the numbers”. When the leadership of the IRB found out about Connolly’s plan for his own rebellion, they held a meeting with him persuading the union boss that he should come in with them. Connolly was co-opted on to the IRB leadership putting him in pole position, unknown to Padraig Pearse, Thomas Clarke and the rest of the council, to carry out his own plans post rebellion. This was entirely dependent on the Easter Rising being a success which, after MacNeill’s cancellation order, looked increasingly unlikely. And prior to this countermanding it was essential the arms ship, the Aud, landed its cargo of 20,000 rifles and ammo at Fenit County Kerry between Thursday 20th and Sunday 23rd April 1916.
Connolly had been planning a rising of his own using the Irish Citizen Army as the vanguard. When an ICA Volunteer asked about their inferior numbers, the ICA had weapons for around 200 volunteers, Connolly replied; “the working-class will make up the numbers”. When the leadership of the IRB found out about Connolly’s plan for his own rebellion, they held a meeting with him persuading the union boss that he should come in with them. Connolly was co-opted on to the IRB leadership putting him in pole position, unknown to Padraig Pearse, Thomas Clarke and the rest of the council, to carry out his own plans post rebellion. This was entirely dependent on the Easter Rising being a success which, after MacNeill’s cancellation order, looked increasingly unlikely. And prior to this countermanding it was essential the arms ship, the Aud, landed its cargo of 20,000 rifles and ammo at Fenit County Kerry between Thursday 20th and Sunday 23rd April 1916.
Connolly was in a position within the IRB to ensure no repeat of the Howth landing of guns in 1914 when Bulmer Hobson said; “none of these rifles must go to the Irish Citizen Army.” This would be different - the Irish Citizen Army were to have the cream of the crop so to speak. James Connolly despatched William Partridge, ITGWU and Irish Citizen Army, to supervise the offloading of the guns using ITGWU labour only. This way the ICA would have the cream of the weapons, as the Irish Volunteers already had their guns from the 1914 landing and they would get some of the Aud's cargo after the ICA. Connolly intended arming the Irish Citizen Army, making it a force five times larger than the present 200. His intentions were to formulate a socialist revolution, led by the working-class, if these two factors fell into place. The third factor for Connolly’s plan to succeed was the involvement of the working class, using the trade union movement particularly the ITGWU. There were many Volunteers, Connolly would hope, who would come over to the ICA and the cause of socialism. Richard O’Carroll, a union leader in the building trade, would probably be one such Volunteer who would come over. His union, The Ancient Guild of Incorporated Brick and Stonelayers Trade Union, supported the unskilled workers in the Dublin Lockout 1913/14, perhaps the only craft union to do so. He, it was hoped, would not be alone. The main points here were the Aud landing being a success and the Irish coming out of the rising victorious. Then the ‘socialist revolution would begin’ that Connolly had planned with the mass mobilisation of the working-class. When the bourgeoisie lead a revolution towards a republic, they do it only for their own class, when the proletariat (working-class) lead such a revolution they do it for everybody.
There were those who accused Connolly of “betraying” socialism by going in with the IRB and the rising. One such tormentor was P.O Cathasaigh (Sean O’Casey) the former Secretary to the Irish Citizen Army. He accused Connolly of forsaking the “noble cause” of socialism for the “narrow” path of Irish nationalism. Nothing could have been further from the truth but James Connolly could hardly make his long-term objectives public knowledge and P.O Cathasaigh was no longer a member of the ICA and therefore had no need to know. Connolly could not forewarn the employing classes, some of whom were members of the Irish Volunteers, that he intended, after the defeat of the British, to unleash socialist revolution. It is, however, a myth which over the years has gained traction among some historians that James Connolly ‘turned his back’ on socialism which frankly is untrue. When Connolly heard of MacNeill’s countermanding he was livid, more so than any of the Irish Volunteer leaders. “What has this fool done?” he shouted and no wonder: the chances of victory were now slim to say the least and so was Connolly’s socialist revolution.
At the outset of any revolution or rebellion class politics are put on the back burner and with the exception of James Connolly the Easter Rising would be no different. It is only when the proletarian led revolution gets underway, as was the case between February and October 1917 in Russia when the capitalist class took the lead with the Czar abdicating in March, that the class question comes to the fore. Unfortunately the Irish Rebellion did not last long enough for this ideology, outside the ICA, to take hold. Prior to the Easter Rising James Connolly spoke to the ICA telling them:
There were those who accused Connolly of “betraying” socialism by going in with the IRB and the rising. One such tormentor was P.O Cathasaigh (Sean O’Casey) the former Secretary to the Irish Citizen Army. He accused Connolly of forsaking the “noble cause” of socialism for the “narrow” path of Irish nationalism. Nothing could have been further from the truth but James Connolly could hardly make his long-term objectives public knowledge and P.O Cathasaigh was no longer a member of the ICA and therefore had no need to know. Connolly could not forewarn the employing classes, some of whom were members of the Irish Volunteers, that he intended, after the defeat of the British, to unleash socialist revolution. It is, however, a myth which over the years has gained traction among some historians that James Connolly ‘turned his back’ on socialism which frankly is untrue. When Connolly heard of MacNeill’s countermanding he was livid, more so than any of the Irish Volunteer leaders. “What has this fool done?” he shouted and no wonder: the chances of victory were now slim to say the least and so was Connolly’s socialist revolution.
At the outset of any revolution or rebellion class politics are put on the back burner and with the exception of James Connolly the Easter Rising would be no different. It is only when the proletarian led revolution gets underway, as was the case between February and October 1917 in Russia when the capitalist class took the lead with the Czar abdicating in March, that the class question comes to the fore. Unfortunately the Irish Rebellion did not last long enough for this ideology, outside the ICA, to take hold. Prior to the Easter Rising James Connolly spoke to the ICA telling them:
in the event of victory hold on to your rifles, as those with whom we are fighting may stop before our goals are reached. We are out for economic as well as political freedom.
It is clear James Connolly had far different long-term plans to those of Padraig Pearse, Thomas Clarke, Eamonn Ceant, Thomas McDonagh, Joseph Plunket and Sean MacDiarmada. MacDiarmada particularly opposed trade unionism and was against Jim Larkin and James Connolly’s tactics of secondary action during the 1913/14 Dublin Lockout. MacDiarmada was particularly opposed to the ITGWU's request for help from British trade unions. He was not alone in the Irish Volunteers with these centre right views. The Irish Volunteers were a very broad-church movement with members of the centre right, like MacDiarmada and some even that could be described as far right, to those on the revolutionary left like trade union leader Richard O’Carroll. Connolly was hoping this socialist faction would come over to the ICA once the British had been defeated. With the countermanding order given by MacNeill the chances of an Irish victory were greatly diminished.
It is all hypothetical now and is based very much on conjecture. The Aud did not manage to land her cargo due to many events which conspired against the rebels. Secondly as we all know the Easter Rising was not a success, certainly in its military sense. Therefore Connolly’s plans to arm the Irish Citizen Army, multiplying its numerical strength by five or more could not be carried out. Thirdly the question of the working-class coming out in support and Connolly arming them did not come into fruition. It is true that during Easter week many came out on the streets for all the wrong reasons, looting and drinking. The women who received benefits from the British state because their husbands were away fighting for the Crown opposed the Rising because they could not get their assistance money! It was not this section of the working-class, the ‘Lumpen Proletariat’, who James Connolly would have been appealing to. Who knows, had Connolly’s plans come to fruition Ireland could have been the first socialist republic in the world, a year before Russia, later Soviet Russia, achieved for a short time this ideological achievement. Unfortunately this did not happen and we have finished up with a 26-county bourgeoisie republic with mass homelessness, poor health services (not to be confused with health care) and relatively weak organised labour. How much better things may have turned out!
It is all hypothetical now and is based very much on conjecture. The Aud did not manage to land her cargo due to many events which conspired against the rebels. Secondly as we all know the Easter Rising was not a success, certainly in its military sense. Therefore Connolly’s plans to arm the Irish Citizen Army, multiplying its numerical strength by five or more could not be carried out. Thirdly the question of the working-class coming out in support and Connolly arming them did not come into fruition. It is true that during Easter week many came out on the streets for all the wrong reasons, looting and drinking. The women who received benefits from the British state because their husbands were away fighting for the Crown opposed the Rising because they could not get their assistance money! It was not this section of the working-class, the ‘Lumpen Proletariat’, who James Connolly would have been appealing to. Who knows, had Connolly’s plans come to fruition Ireland could have been the first socialist republic in the world, a year before Russia, later Soviet Russia, achieved for a short time this ideological achievement. Unfortunately this did not happen and we have finished up with a 26-county bourgeoisie republic with mass homelessness, poor health services (not to be confused with health care) and relatively weak organised labour. How much better things may have turned out!
Ireland would have to wait until 1919 and the ‘Limerick Soviet’ for such Marxist ideology to surface again and that is another episode in Irish history.
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| Caoimhin O’Muraile is Independent Socialist Republican and Marxist. |
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