Caoimhin O’Muraile ☭ When I was growing up in England as part of a working-class Labour Party household my dad, a lifelong member of the British Labour Party and a trade unionist, always emphasised the importance of “getting out to vote”. 

Voting to him was of uppermost importance and he always said “if you don’t vote it is a vote to the Tories”. My Mam and me could never work this equation out: how could somebody not voting be a vote to the Conservative and Unionist Party? My Dad would maintain that a “Tory voter would always turn out”, be it rain, hail or shine as they had a “class interest”. They would always want their party in government and that party, from their point of view, the bosses, the Conservative Party, they would vote to ensure this remained the case. 

These were the days of Harold Wilson, Barbara Castle, one of the earlier women MPs, and from the Conservatives, Ted Heath and Morning Cloud. Margaret Thatcher was a junior MP, Backbencher, at the time and nobody could have suspected this ‘para-fascist’ woman would ever reach the heights of Prime Minister. Our local candidate was a man called Alex Lyons who my Mam and Dad would go out canvasing for. On the trade union wing of the labour and trade union movement union bosses was Jack Jones of the Transport and General Workers Union (TGWU), then the largest trade union in Britain. Jones was succeeded by Moss Evans in 1978 when the Spanish Civil War veteran stood down. Hugh Scanlon of the Amalgamated Engineering Union (AEU) - another big name - along with Jack Jones were once termed; “the Terrible Twins” after their opposition to both Labour and Conservative Party attempts to reform and curb the power of the trade unions. Harold Wilson, then Prime Minister, is on record as saying to Jack Jones; “get your tanks off my lawn” obviously referring to the grassed area of Number Ten!

I remember my dad berating those who did not go out to vote in 1970 when Heath and the hated Conservatives were elected. He blamed Labour Party voters who could not be bothered, as he saw it, to get out and cast their vote. It is your “duty to vote, and vote Labour” was his motto to the “working man”. Working-class people should always vote Labour in his opinion. Was he right? Well, in those days there was clear blue water between the two major parties, and in my view, even though the changes to the benefit of working-class people were minimal they were better than nothing.

The Labour Party of old, that of Clement Attlee after the Second World War, did bring in a new age. They nationalised 20% of British industry, including the mines, something the Miners had campaigned for over the years. Attlee also ushered in a Welfare State including the National Health Service (NHS) with treatment free at the point of need irrespective of ability to pay. Labour was always seen as the party of the working-class, something which continued under Harold Wilson but to a lesser extent. Wilson was unfortunate enough to have been in power when the first cracks of the ‘post war political consensus’ began to appear. 

Capitalism began to claw back some of the post war concessions granted and no liberal democratic government had the power to stop it. The first cuts in the health service began with the closure of some ‘cottage hospitals’ often so important to rural areas of Britain in favour of so called ‘centres of excellence’, or, larger metropolitan hospitals. Also the first major round of ‘pit closures’ during the sixties happened on Harold Wilson’s watch. However, Wilson appeared to ride the storm and enjoyed, or appeared to enjoy, the support of the working-class. 

In 1970 the election of Heath was a shock, some blaming England’s exit from the World Cup of that year at the hands of West Germany for Wilsons demise? Although this may have been a minor factor the main issue may well have been Labour voters not turning out in significantly large numbers under the first past the post system. The British Labour Party were re-elected in 1974 after Wilson ended the Miners' Strike of that year. It is often said the trade unions mobilised behind the Labour Party and that mobilisation was spearheaded by the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) resulting in Heath's downfall. He asked; “who governs the country” and got his answer at the ballot box. Joe Gormley was NUM President at the time, having succeeded Sydney Ford in 1971. Wilson paid the Miners around 30% in pay increases, the argument being from the NUM that they had fallen behind other sections of workers. Wilson fixed the problem of power cuts as peace broke out in the coalfields.

When Tony Blair assumed leadership of the British Labour Party, he changed the party for ever, or so it appears. He abolished Clause IV, which committed the party to some form of ‘common ownership’ of industry, something Clement Attlee went some way to fulfilling. Blair ‘modernised’ the party as he saw it making labour indistinguishable from the conservatives. Today we have Kier Starmer as Prime Minister of Great Britian and leader of the Labour Party. It could be argued Starmer is a Blairite in many ways, but recent moves by his government taxing the employers and not the employees might suggest some of traditional labour policies are back. That must be measured against his refusal to give British pensioners their winter fuel allowance, while still finding an extra 2 billion pounds to supply Ukraine with weapons! So, a little of traditional labourite policies coupled with a great dollop of conservatism? Despite all the changes in the British Labour Party my dad, until his dying day, maintained if “you don’t vote it’s a vote to the Tories”. I can see his logic. He remained a ‘Corbynista’, a supporter of Jeremy Corbyn as Labour Party leader.

Recently in the 26 counties we have had a general election. Most people will be aware of this, but for those who are not just a point of information. The two often termed “Civil War Parties” consisting of Fianna Fail and Fine Gael stuck to their pact of keeping Sinn Fein out of government. It seems for the second time these once bitter enemies will succeed in their quest to keep Sinn Fein out, entering government as coalition partners perhaps with one smaller party to act as a mud guard! It is true, Sinn Fein, like the British Labour Party, are not the party of forty years ago, even thirty years back. Sinn Fein like British Labour have sacrificed, some would say betrayed, many of their former ‘red lines’ in pursuit of governmental power. That said, the party have returned more TDs than previous though their popular vote was down, 39 TDs with popular vote down five percent. Sinn Fein promised a nationalised ‘single tiered’ health service for the 26 counties and to tackle housing. So, why were they not elected? It is plain the status quo of coalition consisting of Fianna Fail, Fine Gael and one other party, or a gang of Independents, will not deliver. They have had decades to do this and have failed. The turnout for the election was low at around 59% as many young working-class voters, those more likely to vote Sinn Fein, stayed away. 

Just as was the case, according to my dad in 1970 Britain, did the same apply to Sinn Fein in 2024? Did many of their potential vote remain indoors rather than vote? Like the Conservative and Unionist Party in Britain the vote of Fianna Fail and Fine Gael will always turn out to ensure their party remains or enters government, can a parallel, a similarity, be drawn? Has apathy crept into the younger elements of the working-class? Could these voters have delivered a Sinn Fein led left-wing coalition or even, which is unlikely, a Sinn Fein government on their own had they turned out? Just like the apathy which crept into Labours vote in Britain all those years back, remember the Conservatives class interests among their electorate will always prevail. Has the same happened in the 26 counties?

There is possibly another reason why Sinn Fein's overall vote was down five percent. Could it be their refusal to rule out beyond doubt entering a coalition with Fianna Fail had an effect, causing this drop in electoral numbers? The fact they would not rule this out indicates some of their policies might not be enacted. Did elements of those who did vote realise this and the single tiered health service might be sacrificed? After all, Fianna Fail had no such commitment and if they became senior coalition partners it would be they, not Sinn Fein, who call the shots. Once described by former Sinn Fein President, Gerry Adams, as “our first cousins” Fianna Fail ruled out at an early stage any coalition with Sinn Fein. One of the “first cousins” was not prepared to play the parliamentary game. 

For the Irish Labour Party or the Social Democrats entering government as the smaller party would be suicide for them. They would both be better off sitting in opposition and building their working-class base, learn the lessons of the Greens who were unceremoniously hammered by the electorate. The fact remains the middle-classes will always turn out and vote either Fianna Fail or Fine Gael or, in these enlightened times, perhaps both in first and second preference. This would keep a left-wing coalition out that is, unless, more working-class younger voters turn out and vote. 

For the record the only consistently principled party in the Dail are People Before Profit who ruled out unquestionably any truck with either Fianna Fail or Fine Gael. Despite these ifs and buts the fact is Sinn Fein's vote is predominantly from the working-class and the younger elements at that. The message is simple, get your idle arses off the couch and cast your vote. A left-wing coalition was a real possibility led by Sinn Fein with the Labour Party, Social Democrats and People Before Profit but Sinn Fein must be more positive regards not entertaining government with their “first cousins”.

When Tony Blair was elected in 1997, he won a ‘landslide’ but his policies were not those of traditional Labour. He called his party ”New Labour” which stole many Tory clothes and with this, many Tory voters. Their class interests were not threatened by a Blair-led labour Government. The voters in Ireland, those who bothered to vote, have returned the status quo which means no ‘single tiered nationalised health service’, no cure to the housing crisis, two issues which matter least to the Irish middle classes and no threat to the middle-class's position in society as the ‘ruling class. They have private health care and live in big houses so a Sinn Fein led Government and higher progressive taxation on them is the last thing they need! Well, to all those who stayed away on polling day thanks a million, it means more and more 20 hour waits in our hospitals A+E (or ED as they are called today), it means for thousands more freezing nights on the streets – please do not blame immigration for the housing crisis, since the formation of the sate a housing crisis has existed – and it’s all the fault of Fianna Fail and Fine Gael policies over the decades.

There is another argument as to why this apathy has apparently crept in among the electorate, particularly the younger end. And that is, to quote former leader of the Greater London Council (GLC) and Labour left-wing and Independent MP Ken Livingstone; “if voting changed anything they’d abolish it”. By this Ken probably meant capitalism as an economic system based on exploitation, irrespective of government, will still prevail. The ruling classes and employers will still be that and the means of production, distribution and exchange will remain mainly in private hands. Harold Wilson's dilemma of the 1960s would support this claim of Livingstone’s. Did similar thoughts enter the heads of young working-class voters in Ireland take hold, the what is the point voting the rich will always be the rich mentality? Whatever the reasons for voting apathy expect another five years of exactly the same. I do not know whether Sinn Fein would have delivered or not. What I do know is the present coalition will definitely not, and that is proved.

Caoimhin O’Muraile is Independent Socialist Republican and Marxist.

Is Voting a Class Issue?

Caoimhin O’Muraile ☭ When I was growing up in England as part of a working-class Labour Party household my dad, a lifelong member of the British Labour Party and a trade unionist, always emphasised the importance of “getting out to vote”. 

Voting to him was of uppermost importance and he always said “if you don’t vote it is a vote to the Tories”. My Mam and me could never work this equation out: how could somebody not voting be a vote to the Conservative and Unionist Party? My Dad would maintain that a “Tory voter would always turn out”, be it rain, hail or shine as they had a “class interest”. They would always want their party in government and that party, from their point of view, the bosses, the Conservative Party, they would vote to ensure this remained the case. 

These were the days of Harold Wilson, Barbara Castle, one of the earlier women MPs, and from the Conservatives, Ted Heath and Morning Cloud. Margaret Thatcher was a junior MP, Backbencher, at the time and nobody could have suspected this ‘para-fascist’ woman would ever reach the heights of Prime Minister. Our local candidate was a man called Alex Lyons who my Mam and Dad would go out canvasing for. On the trade union wing of the labour and trade union movement union bosses was Jack Jones of the Transport and General Workers Union (TGWU), then the largest trade union in Britain. Jones was succeeded by Moss Evans in 1978 when the Spanish Civil War veteran stood down. Hugh Scanlon of the Amalgamated Engineering Union (AEU) - another big name - along with Jack Jones were once termed; “the Terrible Twins” after their opposition to both Labour and Conservative Party attempts to reform and curb the power of the trade unions. Harold Wilson, then Prime Minister, is on record as saying to Jack Jones; “get your tanks off my lawn” obviously referring to the grassed area of Number Ten!

I remember my dad berating those who did not go out to vote in 1970 when Heath and the hated Conservatives were elected. He blamed Labour Party voters who could not be bothered, as he saw it, to get out and cast their vote. It is your “duty to vote, and vote Labour” was his motto to the “working man”. Working-class people should always vote Labour in his opinion. Was he right? Well, in those days there was clear blue water between the two major parties, and in my view, even though the changes to the benefit of working-class people were minimal they were better than nothing.

The Labour Party of old, that of Clement Attlee after the Second World War, did bring in a new age. They nationalised 20% of British industry, including the mines, something the Miners had campaigned for over the years. Attlee also ushered in a Welfare State including the National Health Service (NHS) with treatment free at the point of need irrespective of ability to pay. Labour was always seen as the party of the working-class, something which continued under Harold Wilson but to a lesser extent. Wilson was unfortunate enough to have been in power when the first cracks of the ‘post war political consensus’ began to appear. 

Capitalism began to claw back some of the post war concessions granted and no liberal democratic government had the power to stop it. The first cuts in the health service began with the closure of some ‘cottage hospitals’ often so important to rural areas of Britain in favour of so called ‘centres of excellence’, or, larger metropolitan hospitals. Also the first major round of ‘pit closures’ during the sixties happened on Harold Wilson’s watch. However, Wilson appeared to ride the storm and enjoyed, or appeared to enjoy, the support of the working-class. 

In 1970 the election of Heath was a shock, some blaming England’s exit from the World Cup of that year at the hands of West Germany for Wilsons demise? Although this may have been a minor factor the main issue may well have been Labour voters not turning out in significantly large numbers under the first past the post system. The British Labour Party were re-elected in 1974 after Wilson ended the Miners' Strike of that year. It is often said the trade unions mobilised behind the Labour Party and that mobilisation was spearheaded by the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) resulting in Heath's downfall. He asked; “who governs the country” and got his answer at the ballot box. Joe Gormley was NUM President at the time, having succeeded Sydney Ford in 1971. Wilson paid the Miners around 30% in pay increases, the argument being from the NUM that they had fallen behind other sections of workers. Wilson fixed the problem of power cuts as peace broke out in the coalfields.

When Tony Blair assumed leadership of the British Labour Party, he changed the party for ever, or so it appears. He abolished Clause IV, which committed the party to some form of ‘common ownership’ of industry, something Clement Attlee went some way to fulfilling. Blair ‘modernised’ the party as he saw it making labour indistinguishable from the conservatives. Today we have Kier Starmer as Prime Minister of Great Britian and leader of the Labour Party. It could be argued Starmer is a Blairite in many ways, but recent moves by his government taxing the employers and not the employees might suggest some of traditional labour policies are back. That must be measured against his refusal to give British pensioners their winter fuel allowance, while still finding an extra 2 billion pounds to supply Ukraine with weapons! So, a little of traditional labourite policies coupled with a great dollop of conservatism? Despite all the changes in the British Labour Party my dad, until his dying day, maintained if “you don’t vote it’s a vote to the Tories”. I can see his logic. He remained a ‘Corbynista’, a supporter of Jeremy Corbyn as Labour Party leader.

Recently in the 26 counties we have had a general election. Most people will be aware of this, but for those who are not just a point of information. The two often termed “Civil War Parties” consisting of Fianna Fail and Fine Gael stuck to their pact of keeping Sinn Fein out of government. It seems for the second time these once bitter enemies will succeed in their quest to keep Sinn Fein out, entering government as coalition partners perhaps with one smaller party to act as a mud guard! It is true, Sinn Fein, like the British Labour Party, are not the party of forty years ago, even thirty years back. Sinn Fein like British Labour have sacrificed, some would say betrayed, many of their former ‘red lines’ in pursuit of governmental power. That said, the party have returned more TDs than previous though their popular vote was down, 39 TDs with popular vote down five percent. Sinn Fein promised a nationalised ‘single tiered’ health service for the 26 counties and to tackle housing. So, why were they not elected? It is plain the status quo of coalition consisting of Fianna Fail, Fine Gael and one other party, or a gang of Independents, will not deliver. They have had decades to do this and have failed. The turnout for the election was low at around 59% as many young working-class voters, those more likely to vote Sinn Fein, stayed away. 

Just as was the case, according to my dad in 1970 Britain, did the same apply to Sinn Fein in 2024? Did many of their potential vote remain indoors rather than vote? Like the Conservative and Unionist Party in Britain the vote of Fianna Fail and Fine Gael will always turn out to ensure their party remains or enters government, can a parallel, a similarity, be drawn? Has apathy crept into the younger elements of the working-class? Could these voters have delivered a Sinn Fein led left-wing coalition or even, which is unlikely, a Sinn Fein government on their own had they turned out? Just like the apathy which crept into Labours vote in Britain all those years back, remember the Conservatives class interests among their electorate will always prevail. Has the same happened in the 26 counties?

There is possibly another reason why Sinn Fein's overall vote was down five percent. Could it be their refusal to rule out beyond doubt entering a coalition with Fianna Fail had an effect, causing this drop in electoral numbers? The fact they would not rule this out indicates some of their policies might not be enacted. Did elements of those who did vote realise this and the single tiered health service might be sacrificed? After all, Fianna Fail had no such commitment and if they became senior coalition partners it would be they, not Sinn Fein, who call the shots. Once described by former Sinn Fein President, Gerry Adams, as “our first cousins” Fianna Fail ruled out at an early stage any coalition with Sinn Fein. One of the “first cousins” was not prepared to play the parliamentary game. 

For the Irish Labour Party or the Social Democrats entering government as the smaller party would be suicide for them. They would both be better off sitting in opposition and building their working-class base, learn the lessons of the Greens who were unceremoniously hammered by the electorate. The fact remains the middle-classes will always turn out and vote either Fianna Fail or Fine Gael or, in these enlightened times, perhaps both in first and second preference. This would keep a left-wing coalition out that is, unless, more working-class younger voters turn out and vote. 

For the record the only consistently principled party in the Dail are People Before Profit who ruled out unquestionably any truck with either Fianna Fail or Fine Gael. Despite these ifs and buts the fact is Sinn Fein's vote is predominantly from the working-class and the younger elements at that. The message is simple, get your idle arses off the couch and cast your vote. A left-wing coalition was a real possibility led by Sinn Fein with the Labour Party, Social Democrats and People Before Profit but Sinn Fein must be more positive regards not entertaining government with their “first cousins”.

When Tony Blair was elected in 1997, he won a ‘landslide’ but his policies were not those of traditional Labour. He called his party ”New Labour” which stole many Tory clothes and with this, many Tory voters. Their class interests were not threatened by a Blair-led labour Government. The voters in Ireland, those who bothered to vote, have returned the status quo which means no ‘single tiered nationalised health service’, no cure to the housing crisis, two issues which matter least to the Irish middle classes and no threat to the middle-class's position in society as the ‘ruling class. They have private health care and live in big houses so a Sinn Fein led Government and higher progressive taxation on them is the last thing they need! Well, to all those who stayed away on polling day thanks a million, it means more and more 20 hour waits in our hospitals A+E (or ED as they are called today), it means for thousands more freezing nights on the streets – please do not blame immigration for the housing crisis, since the formation of the sate a housing crisis has existed – and it’s all the fault of Fianna Fail and Fine Gael policies over the decades.

There is another argument as to why this apathy has apparently crept in among the electorate, particularly the younger end. And that is, to quote former leader of the Greater London Council (GLC) and Labour left-wing and Independent MP Ken Livingstone; “if voting changed anything they’d abolish it”. By this Ken probably meant capitalism as an economic system based on exploitation, irrespective of government, will still prevail. The ruling classes and employers will still be that and the means of production, distribution and exchange will remain mainly in private hands. Harold Wilson's dilemma of the 1960s would support this claim of Livingstone’s. Did similar thoughts enter the heads of young working-class voters in Ireland take hold, the what is the point voting the rich will always be the rich mentality? Whatever the reasons for voting apathy expect another five years of exactly the same. I do not know whether Sinn Fein would have delivered or not. What I do know is the present coalition will definitely not, and that is proved.

Caoimhin O’Muraile is Independent Socialist Republican and Marxist.

1 comment:


  1. A poll a few weeks before the election showed that a united Ireland did not make the Top Ten issues the electorate wanted addressed. That did not stop Mary Lou promising a Border Poll before 2030 - an impossible dream, like most Sinn Fein dreams about a united Ireland. The basis for a border poll cannot possibly be agreed in that time, because, unlike the British electorate and Brexit, Irish people, North and South, will not buy the pig-in-a-poke deal that was sold in the UK
    Sinn Fein did not talk to left-wing parties down South before the election because Shinners expected to mop up most left-wing seats. The Shinner economic manifesto, intended to appeal to the left, was based on an unending harvest of money trees -and fooled nobody.
    Neither could the Shinners point to any significant left-wing policies actually implemented in the North, or any movement towards reconiliationi with unionists which is the only current route (like it or not) to irish unity.
    If the Shinners cannot make agreements to advance their core objective with parties in the North, how can they possibly make ecomic agreements i(the only agrrements wanted by other parties) in the South?
    Sinn Fein needs to become a proper left wing party. They need to stop being a Catholic Party for Catholic people in the North and a "Whatever You Are Having Yourself" party in the South,
    Lastly, they need to get rid of Gerry Adams, whose presence
    campaigning for Sinn Fein hung like Banqo's ghost at the feast.

    ReplyDelete