Brandon Sullivan ✍ This is not a comprehensive account of South Belfast in the conflict, simply a collection of possibly related events that I found interesting. 

I may return to add more context to a number of incidents I have partial research completed upon.

As ever, comments, queries, and contributions are very welcome.

The IPLO, loyalists, Drugs & murder

Ed Moloney wrote an article in the Sunday Tribune (13/10/91) detailing an arrangement between the Irish People’s Liberation Organisation and loyalist paramilitaries. The IPLO had shot dead a man named Protestant civilian named William Sloss because his:

Tate's Avenue home in south Belfast was being used a drugs warehouse for the IPLO and Loyalists. [Sloss] had double-crossed Loyalists who then set him up.

The “set up” was loyalist using the IPLO to kill Sloss. The IPLO claimed responsibility for the killing, describing him as an “active member of the UVF.” The Sunday Life reported (24/02/91) February 1991 that Sloss was murdered because of a “dispute over a one kilo consignment of cannabis worth £5,000.” A kilo is 36 ounces, and the £5,000 value given then is worth about £11,000 now. It’s highly probable that the police, as is common practice, significantly overvalued the drugs, and I think a more accurate figure is that the kilo would have been worth closer to £2,000/£4,400. That a dispute over such a trivial quantity and value of drugs resulted in murder is perhaps indicative of what life was like in Belfast in 1990, particularly South Belfast.

Some newspaper reports claim that the UDA murdered Martin Hughes in “retaliation” for the killing of Sloss. However, according to the (not infallible) Lost Lives, Hughes was murdered a few hours prior to Sloss, which could make the retaliation theory untenable.

Ed Moloney’s article continued:

Two months later (from the murder of Sloss) the Loyalists returned the favour when they killed Emmanuel Shields, a minor drug dealer in South Belfast who had annoyed the IPLO.

Shields had previous convictions for theft and firearms offences, but nothing related to the conflict. According to Jim Cusack and Henry McDonald’s book on the UDA:

Shields was a Catholic civilian who lived close to the Annadale flats and who was known personally to members of the Upper Ormeau UDA … [he] had been beaten by future members of Bratty's team when they were children and had escaped a shooting attack at his mother's home years earlier.

The IPLO attacked the Donegal Arms, on the December 21st 1991, murdering two politically uninvolved Protestants (Thomas Gorman 55, and Barry Watson 25), and wounding three. Two of the wounded, according to a Police Ombudsman report, were UDA/UFF member. The next day, the UDA’s C Company “retaliated” by attacking the Devenish Arms, in Belfast. A civil servant, Aidan Wallace 22, was shot dead. Wounded in the attack was 8 year old Christopher Lawless, who was shot in the face. The gunman is alleged to have been Stevie McKeague, who also shot and killed west Belfast pharmacist, Philomena Hanna, among many other residents of nationalist areas. The ombudsman quoted the UDA statement of responsibility, which stated:

The UFF admit responsibility for an attack on the Devenish Arms at Finaghy Road North. The UFF wish to state that the sole responsibility for the UFF carrying out such attacks lies with the IPLO and PIRA who over the last number of months have carried out a systematic sectarian murder campaign against loyalists. The UFF refute allegations that an 8 year old was deliberately shot in the attack. Our volunteers wish to make that clear.

The Strangely Underreported Saga of the Skey Brothers

Around 11:30pm on a Thursday night, 18/10/90, a white car stopped and asked a man on the Antrim Road for directions. The 41 year old Catholic man moved towards the vehicle to assist. The occupants of the car, alleged to include 25 year old Robert Skey and 31 year old Joseph Ronald Curry, dragged the older man into the car, severely beating him in the process, and then whilst he was in the vehicle. The driver sped off towards the Shankill area. At North Boundary Street, the man managed to jump out of the car, but was again set upon by his kidnappers, who then drove the car over him. He survived the ordeal, which was viciously sectarian in nature, but was left with severe injuries. This crime kicked off a series of remarkable incidents.

A few weeks earlier, on 09/09/90, the Sunday News reported that:

William John Skey appeared in court charged with burglary. Belfast Magistrate's Court heard he had failed to turn up for a previous hearing because he had been ordered out of Northern Ireland by paramilitaries. When Skey returned he was shot five times.

The article noted that he had “hobbled” into court on crutches. On the 19/10/90, a number of men were arrested and taken to Castlereagh. Among them were William John Skey, and two of his brothers, one of whom was Robert Skey. They were questioned about Antrim Road abduction and other matters, including “sectarian murders.”

William John Skey was released after five days in Castlereagh. His brother Robert remained in custody. On the 25/10/90, two girls on their way to school found his body on the Taughmonagh estate in South Belfast. He had been shot in the head. The Ulster Freedom Fighters admitted it:

his killers claimed he had given information to the “security forces, the IRA and INLA that they had killed him, and the Belfast Newsletter reported that the Ulster Freedom Fighters admitted the killing and “claimed he had given information to the security forces, the IRA and INLA.

The killing of William John Skey was unusual on a number of levels. Loyalist paramilitaries often killed each other, but usually in feuds. Loyalist informers were at times executed, but far less often than republicans. That Skey was arrested with some of his brothers, and that one of those brothers remained in custody whilst he was released was again unusual. His brother Robert was killed by an IRA bomb in Crumlin Road prison whilst remanded for the Antrim Road abduction, in November 1991. Another brother, Gary Skey, was convicted in 1993 of possessing a shotgun which was used in a “random sectarian murder attempt” of a BBC employee ten days after the bomb in Crumlin prison. Ultimately sentenced to three years, Gary Skey was said by the judge to be of low intelligence and under the influence of one of his brothers, who had used the shotgun. On 10/07/93, another brother, Alan Skey, was sentenced to 16 years in prison for possession of a fireman with the intent to endanger life. He was arrested following a police chase. The Skey brothers had also been charged and/or convicted of a range of offences which were not related to the conflict.

Robert Skey was friends with the nationalist historian Joe Baker, when they were both imprisoned. Skey would have been well aware that Baker was a Catholic, which makes his involvement in vicious sectarian attacks just a few years later seem, at least, inconsistent.

Bizarrely, the last mention I could find of any of the Skey brothers was a 2009 article in the Irish Examiner which was about racism in Belfast. Alan Skey had this to say:

We can't work in our own city. We didn't take up the struggle for that ... I took up the struggle to keep that British flag flying. Now loyalists and republicans are oppressed in their own country due to foreign bodies.

It was this quote, and the recent violence in South Belfast that made me look again at this piece of work. I wonder if Alan Skey was involved, or how he feels about it.

Post Ceasefire violence

The killing of LVF leader, Billy Wright, in prison on the 27th December 1997 led to a number of sectarian murders in response. One of those killed, Seamus Dillon, is notable in that he had at one time been an IRA man. One of considerable pedigree, who served a life sentence for murder, and who is mentioned in Up Like A Bird, the memoir of the Tyrone Brigade member Brendan Hughes. Dillon died in an attack on a hotel where he was working as a door man.

Four Catholics had been murdered by loyalists by the 18th January 1998 since 27th December the previous year and the Belfast Newsletter reported that loyalist paramilitaries had warned of “more attacks to come.” The backdrop to this bloodshed was the torturous negotiations which would ultimately lead to the Good Friday Agreement. On the 18th January, two INLA members entered a carpet shop, inside of which was the owner, 38 year old Jim Guiney, a married man, a father of four, and a member of the Ulster Defence Association. Guiney was shot multiple times and killed. The INLA men made good their escape and nobody has ever been convicted. The Belfast Newsletter reported that Guiney was a good friend of senior members of the UDA aligned political party the Ulster Democratic Party, including David Adams. Lost Lives (p1425) wrote that:

Although a member of the UDA, .Jim Guiney was said not to have played any active role for several years. Loyalist sources described him as someone who was very solidly behind the peace process and UDA ceasefire.

Loyalists “retaliated” by murdering Larry Brennan, on the 19th January 1998. The following (and some of the information about the 1991 pub shootings above) are taken from a piece I did following publication of a Police Ombudsman report a couple of years ago. Larry Brennan had been a loyalist target for a number of years. The rationale for his targeting in the local press at the time was that he was engaged to be married to a Protestant woman, which would have outraged loyalist supremacists. The ombudsman report stating:

Between 1984 and 1994, police received repeated information concerning the targeting of Mr Brennan by Loyalist paramilitaries. This investigation did not identify any similar intelligence during the four years preceding Mr Brennan’s murder.

However, the catalyst for the murder was the INLA’s killing that day of UDA man Jim Guiney. This piece of intelligence was also received by the RUC:

An unidentified man from the Malone Road provided intelligence to Loyalists that Brennan assisted the IRA in setting up the shooting of Person AA and Person BBB. This information was passed to Person Y and Person BB. After the murder of Billy Wright, Brennan became a potential target. Person NN carried out the shooting sanctioned by Person II using a .38 Magnum.

Person AA and Person BBB could be Joe Bratty and Raymond Elder, senior UDA/UFF men who were shot dead by the IRA in July 1994. A man named Harold Porter was charged, but not convicted, of the murder of Larry Brennan.

Larry Brennan’s murder has been, rightly, described and condemned as sectarian. The coroner at the inquest of the IPLO’s Donegal Arms victims also described the murders, accurately, as sectarian. The ombudsman’s reports reveal something of the nature of paramilitary grudges, suspicions, motives, and praxis.

The targeting of Larry Brennan in particular seems to have been haphazard, but enduring and sustained, and utterly devoid of strategic or tactical forethought. The IPLO’s mercifully short campaign could be described in similar terms.

South Belfast today

South Belfast is vibrant, buzzing, and feels very safe. Perhaps a bit less following recent events, but I’m sure that in time things will go back to normal. I had always thought South Belfast was an area where loyalist violence was dominant, but in researching this article I was surprised to note that CAIN attribute 100 killings each to loyalists and republicans. This is something I would like to return to. The first book I read about the conflict was Bishop and Mallie’s The Provisional IRA, and that was probably the first time I learned about the IRA targeting loyalists, in particular, the killings of Ernie Dowds and Lenny Murphy. This aspect of the IRA (and INLA) has always intrigued me. Over the years I’ve learned a lot about how and why some of those killings were carried out, and loyalist killings of republicans. I hope to return to writing about South Belfast again. A very interesting subject.
 
Brandon Sullivan is a middle-aged West Belfast émigré. He juggles fatherhood & marriage with working in a policy environment and writing for TPQ about the conflict, films, books, and politics.

A Look at the Troubles In 1990s South Belfast

Brandon Sullivan ✍ This is not a comprehensive account of South Belfast in the conflict, simply a collection of possibly related events that I found interesting. 

I may return to add more context to a number of incidents I have partial research completed upon.

As ever, comments, queries, and contributions are very welcome.

The IPLO, loyalists, Drugs & murder

Ed Moloney wrote an article in the Sunday Tribune (13/10/91) detailing an arrangement between the Irish People’s Liberation Organisation and loyalist paramilitaries. The IPLO had shot dead a man named Protestant civilian named William Sloss because his:

Tate's Avenue home in south Belfast was being used a drugs warehouse for the IPLO and Loyalists. [Sloss] had double-crossed Loyalists who then set him up.

The “set up” was loyalist using the IPLO to kill Sloss. The IPLO claimed responsibility for the killing, describing him as an “active member of the UVF.” The Sunday Life reported (24/02/91) February 1991 that Sloss was murdered because of a “dispute over a one kilo consignment of cannabis worth £5,000.” A kilo is 36 ounces, and the £5,000 value given then is worth about £11,000 now. It’s highly probable that the police, as is common practice, significantly overvalued the drugs, and I think a more accurate figure is that the kilo would have been worth closer to £2,000/£4,400. That a dispute over such a trivial quantity and value of drugs resulted in murder is perhaps indicative of what life was like in Belfast in 1990, particularly South Belfast.

Some newspaper reports claim that the UDA murdered Martin Hughes in “retaliation” for the killing of Sloss. However, according to the (not infallible) Lost Lives, Hughes was murdered a few hours prior to Sloss, which could make the retaliation theory untenable.

Ed Moloney’s article continued:

Two months later (from the murder of Sloss) the Loyalists returned the favour when they killed Emmanuel Shields, a minor drug dealer in South Belfast who had annoyed the IPLO.

Shields had previous convictions for theft and firearms offences, but nothing related to the conflict. According to Jim Cusack and Henry McDonald’s book on the UDA:

Shields was a Catholic civilian who lived close to the Annadale flats and who was known personally to members of the Upper Ormeau UDA … [he] had been beaten by future members of Bratty's team when they were children and had escaped a shooting attack at his mother's home years earlier.

The IPLO attacked the Donegal Arms, on the December 21st 1991, murdering two politically uninvolved Protestants (Thomas Gorman 55, and Barry Watson 25), and wounding three. Two of the wounded, according to a Police Ombudsman report, were UDA/UFF member. The next day, the UDA’s C Company “retaliated” by attacking the Devenish Arms, in Belfast. A civil servant, Aidan Wallace 22, was shot dead. Wounded in the attack was 8 year old Christopher Lawless, who was shot in the face. The gunman is alleged to have been Stevie McKeague, who also shot and killed west Belfast pharmacist, Philomena Hanna, among many other residents of nationalist areas. The ombudsman quoted the UDA statement of responsibility, which stated:

The UFF admit responsibility for an attack on the Devenish Arms at Finaghy Road North. The UFF wish to state that the sole responsibility for the UFF carrying out such attacks lies with the IPLO and PIRA who over the last number of months have carried out a systematic sectarian murder campaign against loyalists. The UFF refute allegations that an 8 year old was deliberately shot in the attack. Our volunteers wish to make that clear.

The Strangely Underreported Saga of the Skey Brothers

Around 11:30pm on a Thursday night, 18/10/90, a white car stopped and asked a man on the Antrim Road for directions. The 41 year old Catholic man moved towards the vehicle to assist. The occupants of the car, alleged to include 25 year old Robert Skey and 31 year old Joseph Ronald Curry, dragged the older man into the car, severely beating him in the process, and then whilst he was in the vehicle. The driver sped off towards the Shankill area. At North Boundary Street, the man managed to jump out of the car, but was again set upon by his kidnappers, who then drove the car over him. He survived the ordeal, which was viciously sectarian in nature, but was left with severe injuries. This crime kicked off a series of remarkable incidents.

A few weeks earlier, on 09/09/90, the Sunday News reported that:

William John Skey appeared in court charged with burglary. Belfast Magistrate's Court heard he had failed to turn up for a previous hearing because he had been ordered out of Northern Ireland by paramilitaries. When Skey returned he was shot five times.

The article noted that he had “hobbled” into court on crutches. On the 19/10/90, a number of men were arrested and taken to Castlereagh. Among them were William John Skey, and two of his brothers, one of whom was Robert Skey. They were questioned about Antrim Road abduction and other matters, including “sectarian murders.”

William John Skey was released after five days in Castlereagh. His brother Robert remained in custody. On the 25/10/90, two girls on their way to school found his body on the Taughmonagh estate in South Belfast. He had been shot in the head. The Ulster Freedom Fighters admitted it:

his killers claimed he had given information to the “security forces, the IRA and INLA that they had killed him, and the Belfast Newsletter reported that the Ulster Freedom Fighters admitted the killing and “claimed he had given information to the security forces, the IRA and INLA.

The killing of William John Skey was unusual on a number of levels. Loyalist paramilitaries often killed each other, but usually in feuds. Loyalist informers were at times executed, but far less often than republicans. That Skey was arrested with some of his brothers, and that one of those brothers remained in custody whilst he was released was again unusual. His brother Robert was killed by an IRA bomb in Crumlin Road prison whilst remanded for the Antrim Road abduction, in November 1991. Another brother, Gary Skey, was convicted in 1993 of possessing a shotgun which was used in a “random sectarian murder attempt” of a BBC employee ten days after the bomb in Crumlin prison. Ultimately sentenced to three years, Gary Skey was said by the judge to be of low intelligence and under the influence of one of his brothers, who had used the shotgun. On 10/07/93, another brother, Alan Skey, was sentenced to 16 years in prison for possession of a fireman with the intent to endanger life. He was arrested following a police chase. The Skey brothers had also been charged and/or convicted of a range of offences which were not related to the conflict.

Robert Skey was friends with the nationalist historian Joe Baker, when they were both imprisoned. Skey would have been well aware that Baker was a Catholic, which makes his involvement in vicious sectarian attacks just a few years later seem, at least, inconsistent.

Bizarrely, the last mention I could find of any of the Skey brothers was a 2009 article in the Irish Examiner which was about racism in Belfast. Alan Skey had this to say:

We can't work in our own city. We didn't take up the struggle for that ... I took up the struggle to keep that British flag flying. Now loyalists and republicans are oppressed in their own country due to foreign bodies.

It was this quote, and the recent violence in South Belfast that made me look again at this piece of work. I wonder if Alan Skey was involved, or how he feels about it.

Post Ceasefire violence

The killing of LVF leader, Billy Wright, in prison on the 27th December 1997 led to a number of sectarian murders in response. One of those killed, Seamus Dillon, is notable in that he had at one time been an IRA man. One of considerable pedigree, who served a life sentence for murder, and who is mentioned in Up Like A Bird, the memoir of the Tyrone Brigade member Brendan Hughes. Dillon died in an attack on a hotel where he was working as a door man.

Four Catholics had been murdered by loyalists by the 18th January 1998 since 27th December the previous year and the Belfast Newsletter reported that loyalist paramilitaries had warned of “more attacks to come.” The backdrop to this bloodshed was the torturous negotiations which would ultimately lead to the Good Friday Agreement. On the 18th January, two INLA members entered a carpet shop, inside of which was the owner, 38 year old Jim Guiney, a married man, a father of four, and a member of the Ulster Defence Association. Guiney was shot multiple times and killed. The INLA men made good their escape and nobody has ever been convicted. The Belfast Newsletter reported that Guiney was a good friend of senior members of the UDA aligned political party the Ulster Democratic Party, including David Adams. Lost Lives (p1425) wrote that:

Although a member of the UDA, .Jim Guiney was said not to have played any active role for several years. Loyalist sources described him as someone who was very solidly behind the peace process and UDA ceasefire.

Loyalists “retaliated” by murdering Larry Brennan, on the 19th January 1998. The following (and some of the information about the 1991 pub shootings above) are taken from a piece I did following publication of a Police Ombudsman report a couple of years ago. Larry Brennan had been a loyalist target for a number of years. The rationale for his targeting in the local press at the time was that he was engaged to be married to a Protestant woman, which would have outraged loyalist supremacists. The ombudsman report stating:

Between 1984 and 1994, police received repeated information concerning the targeting of Mr Brennan by Loyalist paramilitaries. This investigation did not identify any similar intelligence during the four years preceding Mr Brennan’s murder.

However, the catalyst for the murder was the INLA’s killing that day of UDA man Jim Guiney. This piece of intelligence was also received by the RUC:

An unidentified man from the Malone Road provided intelligence to Loyalists that Brennan assisted the IRA in setting up the shooting of Person AA and Person BBB. This information was passed to Person Y and Person BB. After the murder of Billy Wright, Brennan became a potential target. Person NN carried out the shooting sanctioned by Person II using a .38 Magnum.

Person AA and Person BBB could be Joe Bratty and Raymond Elder, senior UDA/UFF men who were shot dead by the IRA in July 1994. A man named Harold Porter was charged, but not convicted, of the murder of Larry Brennan.

Larry Brennan’s murder has been, rightly, described and condemned as sectarian. The coroner at the inquest of the IPLO’s Donegal Arms victims also described the murders, accurately, as sectarian. The ombudsman’s reports reveal something of the nature of paramilitary grudges, suspicions, motives, and praxis.

The targeting of Larry Brennan in particular seems to have been haphazard, but enduring and sustained, and utterly devoid of strategic or tactical forethought. The IPLO’s mercifully short campaign could be described in similar terms.

South Belfast today

South Belfast is vibrant, buzzing, and feels very safe. Perhaps a bit less following recent events, but I’m sure that in time things will go back to normal. I had always thought South Belfast was an area where loyalist violence was dominant, but in researching this article I was surprised to note that CAIN attribute 100 killings each to loyalists and republicans. This is something I would like to return to. The first book I read about the conflict was Bishop and Mallie’s The Provisional IRA, and that was probably the first time I learned about the IRA targeting loyalists, in particular, the killings of Ernie Dowds and Lenny Murphy. This aspect of the IRA (and INLA) has always intrigued me. Over the years I’ve learned a lot about how and why some of those killings were carried out, and loyalist killings of republicans. I hope to return to writing about South Belfast again. A very interesting subject.
 
Brandon Sullivan is a middle-aged West Belfast émigré. He juggles fatherhood & marriage with working in a policy environment and writing for TPQ about the conflict, films, books, and politics.

No comments