Not least of these similarities was the role played by women in both disputes, without which neither strike could have continued the length of time they did.
In Dublin women like Delia Larkin, sister of ITGWU leader Jim Larkin, Rose Hackett, Constance Markievicz, Dr Kathleen Lynn, Christina Caffrey and many others staffed the vital soup kitchens which provided essential meals for the locked out and striking workers. Delia Larkin formed the Irish Women’s Workers Union (IWWU) who formed pickets independent of the main union involved, the Irish Transport and General Workers Union (ITGWU). Back in 1913/14 women as well as men were locked out of their employment and others were on strike in support. A very similar situation regarding the roles played by women applied in the Miner’s strike of 184/85.
Women Against pit Closures was formed by, among others, Anne Scargill, the wife of NUM President Arthur Scargill, which was the best known of the women’s groups but by no means the only one. Women’s Support Groups and Women’s Action Groups sprang up all over Britain both inside the mining communities, including Nottinghamshire where the majority of miners worked, and outside these areas. Many of these women were the wives, Sisters, Daughters and Girlfriends of striking miners. Others were not related but in most cases were active trade unionists or labour activists. Some women had no connection to the labour and trade union movement at all but could see the injustice of Thatcher’s plans to close coal mines and destroy communities. All the women involved deserve equal praise for their trojan work. Across the country, similar to Dublin in 1913/14, soup kitchens were opened by these women from the various groups and also doubled up as advice centres and NUM meeting places.
The advice centres, again the brainchild of the women’s action and support groups, were set up to give advice to miners who were in severe financial difficulty and were reluctantly contemplating a return to work. There was one notable case when the energy companies, gas and electric simultaneously threatened to cut off a striking miners energy supplies due to ‘bills outstanding’. The man in question who had been out on strike since the beginning approached his local advice centre to see what, if anything could be done. The local Women’s Action Group set up a large picket around the man’s house. When the energy companies came to disconnect him, they were met with a large group of angry women and thought better of their actions. They left leaving the striking miner with power and were not foolish enough to return.
Women Against pit Closures was formed by, among others, Anne Scargill, the wife of NUM President Arthur Scargill, which was the best known of the women’s groups but by no means the only one. Women’s Support Groups and Women’s Action Groups sprang up all over Britain both inside the mining communities, including Nottinghamshire where the majority of miners worked, and outside these areas. Many of these women were the wives, Sisters, Daughters and Girlfriends of striking miners. Others were not related but in most cases were active trade unionists or labour activists. Some women had no connection to the labour and trade union movement at all but could see the injustice of Thatcher’s plans to close coal mines and destroy communities. All the women involved deserve equal praise for their trojan work. Across the country, similar to Dublin in 1913/14, soup kitchens were opened by these women from the various groups and also doubled up as advice centres and NUM meeting places.
The advice centres, again the brainchild of the women’s action and support groups, were set up to give advice to miners who were in severe financial difficulty and were reluctantly contemplating a return to work. There was one notable case when the energy companies, gas and electric simultaneously threatened to cut off a striking miners energy supplies due to ‘bills outstanding’. The man in question who had been out on strike since the beginning approached his local advice centre to see what, if anything could be done. The local Women’s Action Group set up a large picket around the man’s house. When the energy companies came to disconnect him, they were met with a large group of angry women and thought better of their actions. They left leaving the striking miner with power and were not foolish enough to return.
The NUM had sent letters to the trade unions representing the energy workers asking them not to disconnect miners who were on strike but, with a few exceptions, these letters were ignored. These workers were afraid of their own jobs if they refused management instructions to disconnect miners who had not paid their bills. However, when faced with the Women’s Action Groups they feared for their safety and wisely withdrew. The para fascist Thatcher had sequestrated the NUMs funds, effectively leaving the union penniless which meant they could not give strike pay. Scargill had wisely moved the unions assets out of the “Plutonium Blondes” reach but the union had no access to them. The NUM leadership, due to this sequestration received no wages even after the men had returned to work. The miners were paid by the National Coal Board (NCB) but the union fulltime officials wages came from the NUM funds. The leadership received no wages for almost a year after the strike ended!
The women’s groups formed their own picket lines and because they fell outside the jurisdiction of the NUM, TUC or any other trade union Thatcher’s laws on picketing did not apply. The law said no more than six pickets were allowed, not that the NUM took a blind bit of notice, but this law did not apply to the women’s groups.
The women’s groups formed their own picket lines and because they fell outside the jurisdiction of the NUM, TUC or any other trade union Thatcher’s laws on picketing did not apply. The law said no more than six pickets were allowed, not that the NUM took a blind bit of notice, but this law did not apply to the women’s groups.
Around the Pontefract area women’s support groups were working tirelessly in their attempts to force the local authority into increasing the clothing grant for miner’s children - (Striking Similarities Kevin Morley P199).
The monies for children’s grants came out of local authority funds and not central government, therefore initially Thatcher could do little to prevent local authorities giving these grants. The Government “were, however, cutting the benefits which strikers and their families could claim overall” (ibid). Thatcher cut benefits for children under the age of five, obviously feeling children of infant age did not need clothing! Only children over five could be claimed for regards clothing.
“The soup kitchens increased in importance as meeting places during the governments ‘back to work’ campaign” (Morley P200). It was here miners met to counter this campaign. The strike had a large impact on male attitudes towards women, hitherto one of a chauvinistic nature to say the least. Women’s attitudes towards women underwent a huge change in a positive way. “Anne O’Donnell, the wife of a Barnsley Miner recalled: ‘There's no way I would return to the kitchen sink now. I’m not going back to the way things were before’. Both me and my husband were both unpolitical before the strike” (Morley P.203) she said. Both her and her striking husband had both changed now they had witnessed at first hand the brutality of the British state. Remember this strike was not about pay but about saving jobs, pits and communities.
It was perhaps the way women put across the miner’s case against pit closures and the ruination of communities which gained support outside the mining areas. Perhaps women have a much more persuasive way of getting a message over which men lack? It was plain to see that in any class struggle the role of women is essential to stand any chance of victory. The roles played by women in both the 1913/14 Dublin Lockout and the 1984/85 British Coal Miners Strike must never be diminished or forgotten by the labour and trade union movements in Britain and Ireland alike. They were a credit to their class and gender.
“The soup kitchens increased in importance as meeting places during the governments ‘back to work’ campaign” (Morley P200). It was here miners met to counter this campaign. The strike had a large impact on male attitudes towards women, hitherto one of a chauvinistic nature to say the least. Women’s attitudes towards women underwent a huge change in a positive way. “Anne O’Donnell, the wife of a Barnsley Miner recalled: ‘There's no way I would return to the kitchen sink now. I’m not going back to the way things were before’. Both me and my husband were both unpolitical before the strike” (Morley P.203) she said. Both her and her striking husband had both changed now they had witnessed at first hand the brutality of the British state. Remember this strike was not about pay but about saving jobs, pits and communities.
It was perhaps the way women put across the miner’s case against pit closures and the ruination of communities which gained support outside the mining areas. Perhaps women have a much more persuasive way of getting a message over which men lack? It was plain to see that in any class struggle the role of women is essential to stand any chance of victory. The roles played by women in both the 1913/14 Dublin Lockout and the 1984/85 British Coal Miners Strike must never be diminished or forgotten by the labour and trade union movements in Britain and Ireland alike. They were a credit to their class and gender.
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| Caoimhin O’Muraile is Independent Socialist Republican and Marxist. |
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