Each of the many organisations, from Fianna Fail – ridiculous as that may sound – to the once revolutionary Sinn Fein Provisional. Even though this title was dropped back in 1990 I shall use it to differentiate from the still revolutionary Republican Sinn Fein reportedly linked to the “Continuity IRA”. We then have comparatively recently formed groups like Saoradh, believed to have close links with an organisation styling itself the “New IRA” and many more smaller splinter groups which have come about, with the exception of RSF, since the signing of the Good Friday Agreement in 1998. We then have the Irish Republican Socialist Movement, probably the only group which stands by, at least on paper, the five basic tenets of Irish Republicanism. All the groups, as I see it, including Fianna Fail qualify for at least one tenet, despite what they might claim to be. Let us now look, in brief, at the five tenets of Irish Republicanism. These do not exhaust the ideological principles because from these trunks spring many sub-tenets or branches.
Nationalism
This is perhaps the most ambiguous tenet of Irish Republicanism. James Connolly once implied the Irish socialist and Irish nationalist are not necessarily “antagonistic” towards each other. We must remember Connolly was writing before the rise of aggressive nationalism epitomised in Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy during the 1920s and 30s. He saw the two, ordinarily antagonistic strands, as complementary to each other in the case of Ireland due to the fact it was/is the working-class who are the greatest patriots. This assertion was in evidence back in 2008, ninety-two years after Connolly’s death, when it was the working-class who (foolishly) took pay cuts and pay freezes, in “the national interests,” to help the capitalist class out of their economic hole they had dug themselves.
Nationalism today has many dangerous connotations, and has had since the days mentioned above in the 20s and 30s. Today chauvinistic nationalist movements around the globe are springing up, many like Combat 18 (named such after the first and eighth letter of the alphabet, A H – Adolph Hitler) are openly Nazi as are the AfD – Alternative for Deutschland – a far-right party in Germany. These are the dangers of nationalism in today’s world, unlike the time of James Connolly whose arguments, used properly as they were meant, are as relevant today as they were then. The nationalism of Nazi Germany – Ein Volk, Ein Reich, Ein Fuhrer (one land, one people, one leader) is not the nationalism of Irish Republicanism or any strands within. It should be warned and because of these connotations such a form of nationalism could evolve out of this nationalist tenet if not unchecked. Lines become increasingly blurred and it is easy for the far-right to infiltrate under the guise of nationalism.
Nationalism
This is perhaps the most ambiguous tenet of Irish Republicanism. James Connolly once implied the Irish socialist and Irish nationalist are not necessarily “antagonistic” towards each other. We must remember Connolly was writing before the rise of aggressive nationalism epitomised in Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy during the 1920s and 30s. He saw the two, ordinarily antagonistic strands, as complementary to each other in the case of Ireland due to the fact it was/is the working-class who are the greatest patriots. This assertion was in evidence back in 2008, ninety-two years after Connolly’s death, when it was the working-class who (foolishly) took pay cuts and pay freezes, in “the national interests,” to help the capitalist class out of their economic hole they had dug themselves.
Nationalism today has many dangerous connotations, and has had since the days mentioned above in the 20s and 30s. Today chauvinistic nationalist movements around the globe are springing up, many like Combat 18 (named such after the first and eighth letter of the alphabet, A H – Adolph Hitler) are openly Nazi as are the AfD – Alternative for Deutschland – a far-right party in Germany. These are the dangers of nationalism in today’s world, unlike the time of James Connolly whose arguments, used properly as they were meant, are as relevant today as they were then. The nationalism of Nazi Germany – Ein Volk, Ein Reich, Ein Fuhrer (one land, one people, one leader) is not the nationalism of Irish Republicanism or any strands within. It should be warned and because of these connotations such a form of nationalism could evolve out of this nationalist tenet if not unchecked. Lines become increasingly blurred and it is easy for the far-right to infiltrate under the guise of nationalism.
Perhaps it is time to rename the nationalist tenet what it really is, national liberation as opposed to just “nationalism”. National Liberation is aimed, as the name suggests, at freeing Ireland completely of British military and governmental rule. For thirty years in the North of Ireland, Sinn Fein gave political expression to the IRA towards this end. Today they are a constitutional party, sitting on the left-wing of parliamentary politics and no longer advocate the armed struggle.
Republican Sinn Fein still believe in the armed struggle to achieve national liberation in Ireland, or, perhaps more accurately, they still give political support to the actions of the Continuity IRA. The organisation split from Provisional Sinn Fein at the 1986 Ard Fheis over the latter’s decision to end abstentionism into the twenty-six county Dail.
Non-Sectarianism
In Ireland today, particularly, though not exclusively, within elements of the unionist and loyalist populations there exists an evil strand called sectarianism. One principle of Irish Republicanism, which all parties would sign up to is that this is wrong. James Conolly branded anti-Semitism and sectarianism as two of the same evils and opposed both vehemently. Sectarianism divides the Irish people, those who allow or wish it to, on religious denominational lines, Protestant versus Catholic and offers national liberation nothing. This is why perhaps those in the loyalist paramilitaries hold sectarianism so dearly to their vicious hearts to oppose such liberation and certainly Irish unification. Irish Republicanism places combatting sectarianism high on its agenda and stands by the principles of the 18th century Protestant Irish revolutionary, Theobald Wolfe Tone, who led the United Irishmen during the 1798 rebellion. What sticks in the gut of many ultra-loyalists is that Tone and many of the leadership of the United Irishmen were Protestants and Presbyterians (Dissenters) whose aim was to unite “Protestant, Catholic and Dissenter” under the banner of Irishmen.
Sectarianism may be rife in areas of the six-counties today and, to a far lesser extent in pockets of the twenty-six counties as anti-protestant attitudes exist, but not within Irish Republicanism. It is one of the aims of republicanism to remove this stain from Ireland.
Secularism
Secularism is another of the five major tenets making up Irish Republican ideology. Secularism compliments anti-sectarianism in so far as it opposes all forms of discrimination against any religion and denomination thereof. Secularism also advocates separation of church and state while at the same time advocating freedom of religion and religious practice. No religion, no matter what, should be allowed to interfere with the mechanisms of the state, whatever that state may look like or in the case of socialism, no state as such.
Until recently the 26 county Irish Free State has been dominated by the Roman Catholic Church. This state of affairs could not continue and in modern more enlightened times this influence has been eroded enormously. It was understandable at one point the unionist and loyalist fears of this influence which they used as an argument against Irish unification. However, this argument no longer exists as the twenty-six counties are now a multi-religious state which includes, Muslims, Jews, Hindus, Sikhs, as well as the traditional major Christian denominations. So strong was the influence of the Catholic Church in the twenty-six counties that James Craig, the first Prime Minister of “Northern Ireland” once boasted, for all the wrong reason and using the church as an excuse, “a Protestant Parliament, for a Protestant people”. This in itself, no matter what his reasons were, was a sectarian statement, one which hard line unionists and loyalists still prefer today. These people hate Roman Catholics, their church and style of worship, in much the same way as Hitler hated Jewish people. James Connolly spotted the similarities between sectarianism and anti-Semitism long before the emergence of the Third Reich, once again being ahead of his time by three decades.
Separatism
Perhaps this tenet holds most historical connections, dating back to the United Irishmen of the late eighteenth century whose aim was to break the connection with England (by that time Britain) and form an independent Irish Republic. The separation, or divorce, from Britain has been and still is a major aim of republicanism. It is central to its existence, which makes a little bit of a mockery sending Arthur Griffith, who was a dual monarchist, to the treaty negotiations for an Irish Republic in 1921. Griffith believed in the dual monarchy approach based on the Austro/Hungarian model of pre-First World War.
It is a historical fact that the policies of various English, then British, administrations have been a major cause of Irelands ills. The great hunger of 1845-51 known as the Famine, which strictly speaking it was not as other foods apart from the potato were present, was very much down to policies for Ireland enacted in Westminster. The potato blight was not sent by Britain but it was exploited by them almost to the point and arguably beyond this nadir, of genocide in Ireland. They did not bring the blight, but they were responsible for the famine! They were responsible for turning the hunger into a famine by exporting most other food stuffs out of Ireland.
Republican Sinn Fein still believe in the armed struggle to achieve national liberation in Ireland, or, perhaps more accurately, they still give political support to the actions of the Continuity IRA. The organisation split from Provisional Sinn Fein at the 1986 Ard Fheis over the latter’s decision to end abstentionism into the twenty-six county Dail.
Non-Sectarianism
In Ireland today, particularly, though not exclusively, within elements of the unionist and loyalist populations there exists an evil strand called sectarianism. One principle of Irish Republicanism, which all parties would sign up to is that this is wrong. James Conolly branded anti-Semitism and sectarianism as two of the same evils and opposed both vehemently. Sectarianism divides the Irish people, those who allow or wish it to, on religious denominational lines, Protestant versus Catholic and offers national liberation nothing. This is why perhaps those in the loyalist paramilitaries hold sectarianism so dearly to their vicious hearts to oppose such liberation and certainly Irish unification. Irish Republicanism places combatting sectarianism high on its agenda and stands by the principles of the 18th century Protestant Irish revolutionary, Theobald Wolfe Tone, who led the United Irishmen during the 1798 rebellion. What sticks in the gut of many ultra-loyalists is that Tone and many of the leadership of the United Irishmen were Protestants and Presbyterians (Dissenters) whose aim was to unite “Protestant, Catholic and Dissenter” under the banner of Irishmen.
Sectarianism may be rife in areas of the six-counties today and, to a far lesser extent in pockets of the twenty-six counties as anti-protestant attitudes exist, but not within Irish Republicanism. It is one of the aims of republicanism to remove this stain from Ireland.
Secularism
Secularism is another of the five major tenets making up Irish Republican ideology. Secularism compliments anti-sectarianism in so far as it opposes all forms of discrimination against any religion and denomination thereof. Secularism also advocates separation of church and state while at the same time advocating freedom of religion and religious practice. No religion, no matter what, should be allowed to interfere with the mechanisms of the state, whatever that state may look like or in the case of socialism, no state as such.
Until recently the 26 county Irish Free State has been dominated by the Roman Catholic Church. This state of affairs could not continue and in modern more enlightened times this influence has been eroded enormously. It was understandable at one point the unionist and loyalist fears of this influence which they used as an argument against Irish unification. However, this argument no longer exists as the twenty-six counties are now a multi-religious state which includes, Muslims, Jews, Hindus, Sikhs, as well as the traditional major Christian denominations. So strong was the influence of the Catholic Church in the twenty-six counties that James Craig, the first Prime Minister of “Northern Ireland” once boasted, for all the wrong reason and using the church as an excuse, “a Protestant Parliament, for a Protestant people”. This in itself, no matter what his reasons were, was a sectarian statement, one which hard line unionists and loyalists still prefer today. These people hate Roman Catholics, their church and style of worship, in much the same way as Hitler hated Jewish people. James Connolly spotted the similarities between sectarianism and anti-Semitism long before the emergence of the Third Reich, once again being ahead of his time by three decades.
Separatism
Perhaps this tenet holds most historical connections, dating back to the United Irishmen of the late eighteenth century whose aim was to break the connection with England (by that time Britain) and form an independent Irish Republic. The separation, or divorce, from Britain has been and still is a major aim of republicanism. It is central to its existence, which makes a little bit of a mockery sending Arthur Griffith, who was a dual monarchist, to the treaty negotiations for an Irish Republic in 1921. Griffith believed in the dual monarchy approach based on the Austro/Hungarian model of pre-First World War.
It is a historical fact that the policies of various English, then British, administrations have been a major cause of Irelands ills. The great hunger of 1845-51 known as the Famine, which strictly speaking it was not as other foods apart from the potato were present, was very much down to policies for Ireland enacted in Westminster. The potato blight was not sent by Britain but it was exploited by them almost to the point and arguably beyond this nadir, of genocide in Ireland. They did not bring the blight, but they were responsible for the famine! They were responsible for turning the hunger into a famine by exporting most other food stuffs out of Ireland.
Another aspect of British policy detrimental to Ireland, and during the hunger which exasperated the situation, was the Encumbered Estate Acts of 1848 leading to the Encumbered Estates Courts of 1849. These acts, enforced by the courts evicted many destitute and starving peasants living on the land, as the owners, new and old, tuned their lands over to grazing. The Act did nothing to better the lot of the Irish peasant - in fact it achieved the opposite. “Tenants were evicted in large numbers and their homes demolished” as these starving wretches who owned little to nothing in the way of material possessions were basically put out to die or, at best, emigrate. The ‘Encumbered Estate Acts were the product of the British law makers for Ireland.
Today we see a living testament to British policy in Ireland, dating back to the Government of Ireland Act 1920, partition. This division of the island of Ireland has failed, certainly in the six counties as the result of Brexit proves as it begins to bite. Despite the fact most people in the occupied six counties voted to remain within the European Union back in 2016, the powers that be, totally ignoring the supposed “Northern Ireland” Government, the Stormont Assembly, in Westminster are still taking these unwilling same people out of the EU.
These, among many others, are the reasons for separatism being one of the major tenets of Irish Republicanism. An Ireland free of British interference and 32 counties, not 26, would prosper as the United Kingdom itself begins, it appears, to disintegrate.
Socialism
Socialism in Ireland has a past which pre-dates Karl Marx, often credited as being the “father” of socialism and communism. William Thompson (1775-1833) was an Irish political and philosophical writer and social reformer. He was a critic of capitalist exploitation and was influenced greatly by the ideologies of cooperatives and trade unionism. Thompson came from County Cork and recognised the flaws within capitalism and the exploitation of the many by the few which was/is central to capitalist production. James Connolly, a Marxist himself, described Thompson as “the first Irish socialist and a forerunner of Marx.”
Socialism is an international concept though various countries have their own methodology to bring it about and what form of governance it should take. Various countries material conditions differ, for example the largely peasant environment of Russia at the time of the revolution could not be transported to industrial Germany. This was something Lenin advised Rossa Luxemburg about when socialist revolution in Germany, after the First World War ended, looked a distinct possibility.
Perhaps the best-known socialist, though certainly not the only one, in Ireland was James Connolly. Connolly took a leading role in the Easter Rising of 1916 leading the Irish Citizen Army, formed some years earlier as a worker’s defence force, along-side the Irish Volunteers to fight the British forces. Connolly recognised that huge differences were present politically and economically between the two sets of Irish combatants. Before the rising he told the ICA; ”in the event of victory hold on to your rifles”, meaning that the day may well come when the once allies would have to fight each other over what kind of Ireland, socialist or capitalist, would be better. Connolly firmly believed in the common ownership of the means of production distribution and exchange under democratic worker’s control. This differed greatly from mere nationalisation of said means of production, which would still have unelected bosses and exploitation of the workers at the point of production albeit on a lesser scale to private industry. What would be the point of replacing one set of exploiters with another? At the time Connolly and Marx before him were writing capitalism was very much localised. Today it has stolen the socialists clothing of “internationalism” and operates internationally. An employer in Dublin could well be the same employer and exploiter of workers in Manchester, Paris, New York and countless other locations.
Perhaps the republican organisation mostly associated with this tenet is the Irish Republican Socialist Movement. Sinn Fein (Provisional) once advocated, at least publicly, a “32 county democratic socialist republic” a concept very rarely if ever mentioned by that organisation today, if they were ever serious about this ideology? I always had my doubts. The statement of James Connolly you can remove the English Army from Ireland tomorrow, raise the green flag over Dublin Castle and paint your letter boxes green, unless you organise the republic on socialist lines your efforts will have been in vain is as relevant today as it was back then.
Today we see a living testament to British policy in Ireland, dating back to the Government of Ireland Act 1920, partition. This division of the island of Ireland has failed, certainly in the six counties as the result of Brexit proves as it begins to bite. Despite the fact most people in the occupied six counties voted to remain within the European Union back in 2016, the powers that be, totally ignoring the supposed “Northern Ireland” Government, the Stormont Assembly, in Westminster are still taking these unwilling same people out of the EU.
These, among many others, are the reasons for separatism being one of the major tenets of Irish Republicanism. An Ireland free of British interference and 32 counties, not 26, would prosper as the United Kingdom itself begins, it appears, to disintegrate.
Socialism
Socialism in Ireland has a past which pre-dates Karl Marx, often credited as being the “father” of socialism and communism. William Thompson (1775-1833) was an Irish political and philosophical writer and social reformer. He was a critic of capitalist exploitation and was influenced greatly by the ideologies of cooperatives and trade unionism. Thompson came from County Cork and recognised the flaws within capitalism and the exploitation of the many by the few which was/is central to capitalist production. James Connolly, a Marxist himself, described Thompson as “the first Irish socialist and a forerunner of Marx.”
Socialism is an international concept though various countries have their own methodology to bring it about and what form of governance it should take. Various countries material conditions differ, for example the largely peasant environment of Russia at the time of the revolution could not be transported to industrial Germany. This was something Lenin advised Rossa Luxemburg about when socialist revolution in Germany, after the First World War ended, looked a distinct possibility.
Perhaps the best-known socialist, though certainly not the only one, in Ireland was James Connolly. Connolly took a leading role in the Easter Rising of 1916 leading the Irish Citizen Army, formed some years earlier as a worker’s defence force, along-side the Irish Volunteers to fight the British forces. Connolly recognised that huge differences were present politically and economically between the two sets of Irish combatants. Before the rising he told the ICA; ”in the event of victory hold on to your rifles”, meaning that the day may well come when the once allies would have to fight each other over what kind of Ireland, socialist or capitalist, would be better. Connolly firmly believed in the common ownership of the means of production distribution and exchange under democratic worker’s control. This differed greatly from mere nationalisation of said means of production, which would still have unelected bosses and exploitation of the workers at the point of production albeit on a lesser scale to private industry. What would be the point of replacing one set of exploiters with another? At the time Connolly and Marx before him were writing capitalism was very much localised. Today it has stolen the socialists clothing of “internationalism” and operates internationally. An employer in Dublin could well be the same employer and exploiter of workers in Manchester, Paris, New York and countless other locations.
Perhaps the republican organisation mostly associated with this tenet is the Irish Republican Socialist Movement. Sinn Fein (Provisional) once advocated, at least publicly, a “32 county democratic socialist republic” a concept very rarely if ever mentioned by that organisation today, if they were ever serious about this ideology? I always had my doubts. The statement of James Connolly you can remove the English Army from Ireland tomorrow, raise the green flag over Dublin Castle and paint your letter boxes green, unless you organise the republic on socialist lines your efforts will have been in vain is as relevant today as it was back then.
The Irish Republican Socialist Movement’s military wing is the Irish National Liberation Army, the emphasis here being on “national liberation” as opposed to plain nationalism. The organisations political wing, the Irish Republican Socialist Party go by the motto; “national liberation and socialism” which unites the two tenets of nationalism (liberation) and socialism, common ownership of the means of production etc, etc. Under socialism the state as we know it will cease to exist. Under socialism, states, territories, or provinces will exist only as “geographical expressions” and, for those who need it, identity. These will have no existence as sources of governmental power:
though they may be seats of administrative bodies. In short, it blends the fullest democratic control with the most absolute expert supervision, something unthinkable of any society built upon the political state (The Axe to the Root 1914: James Conolly P19).
In Ireland today of the parties who claim the republican mantle, which one, if any, comply to these five major tenets? Fianna Fail, who still call themselves “The Republican Party” are not serious contenders. On Nationalism they are certainly not supporters of national liberation, hence their weak stance over the occupied six-counties. Nobody could accuse them of sectarianism therefore they do match the non-sectarian principle of Irish Republicanism. They are still weak on secularism, though not as bad as they once were when de Valera was kissing the hand of Archbishop John Charles McQuaid. Fianna Fail still have a long way to go on this one! They are also weak on separatism particularly, again, regarding the six-counties. They still accept British jurisdiction on part of this island. Fianna Fail are certainly not a socialist party, with the wildest imagination and agile mind there is no way the party fit this bill! In fairness they do not pretend to. Fianna Fail in reality only qualify for one of the five tenets, non-sectarianism. Maybe they should drop the pretence of being “The Republican Party” because they clearly are not!!
Sinn Fein as mentioned once advocated a 32-county democratic socialist republic. This has long been forgotten since they joined the capitalist club of candidates to govern the free-market capitalist economy. To quote Karl Marx, echoed by James Connolly, governments are mere “committees to govern the affairs of the entire bourgeoisie”. Sinn Fein today wish to be the incumbent committee. I have yet to hear their finance spokesperson, Pearse Docherty, mention the nationalisation of the banks under workers democratic control, or the party talk of the common ownership of the means of production. Sinn Fein today, certainly in the 26-counties, are more of a slightly left-wing alternative to the status quo. It should be remembered that left and right wing are parliamentary terms dating back to the French bourgeois revolution, they are not revolutionary today.
Republican Sinn Fein qualify on the national liberation ticket, that is unquestionable as they do not accept any sobs to the British (or Irish) states. On secularism they are questionable as many of their members are devoutly Roman Catholic. Would RSF accept a secular state? Perhaps not though whether they would violently oppose it is doubtful. RSF would claim to oppose all forms of sectarianism but given the religious devoutness of some members could they deliver on this? Perhaps only they can answer this question, because that is all these are, questions.
The Irish Republican Socialist Movement, at least on paper, are perhaps the only republican movement which qualifies for all five major tenets. They are clear that nationalism means “National Liberation”, not the chauvinistic variant practised by various fascist groups around the globe and are on the rise in Ireland today. No republican organisation, including Fianna Fail, in Ireland practices this abhorrent variant of nationalism. The IRSM link the national liberation struggle to that of socialism thus fulfilling the two tenets. The movement are clearly non-sectarian and oppose sectarianism vehemently. Many Protestants have filled the ranks of the Irish Republican Socialist Movement, including their military wing.
On separatism, again the movement come out with flying colours pointing out that a major barrier to socialism is the British presence in the six-counties. That same presence fosters sectarianism within certain strands of unionism and loyalism. If any of the tenets the republican Socialist Movement are a little weak on it may be secularism. Though not overtly supporters of any religious denomination they do adhere to church rules and authority at times of their funerals. INLA volunteers do tend to be taken into church and, if the Priest requests or demands, the starry plough flag, beret and gloves are removed from the coffin. Such actions could be seen as a sop to the Catholic Church and should not be adhered to irrespective of the Priest's demands.
Are these five trunk tenets relevant to Irish Republicanism today? Yes, more so than ever especially with the rise of the far-right in recent weeks, months and years. Perhaps there is a new role for the once combatants and that may be organising structured opposition to these fascist gangs who must be stopped. “No pasaran” (they shall not pass) perhaps should be added to the vocabulary of statements in today’s Irish Republicanism.
Are these five trunk tenets relevant to Irish Republicanism today? Yes, more so than ever especially with the rise of the far-right in recent weeks, months and years. Perhaps there is a new role for the once combatants and that may be organising structured opposition to these fascist gangs who must be stopped. “No pasaran” (they shall not pass) perhaps should be added to the vocabulary of statements in today’s Irish Republicanism.
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| Caoimhin O’Muraile is Independent Socialist Republican and Marxist. |
"What sticks in the gut of many ultra-loyalists is that Tone and many of the leadership of the United Irishmen were Protestants and Presbyterians (Dissenters) whose aim was to unite “Protestant, Catholic and Dissenter” under the banner of Irishmen."
ReplyDeleteNope, not even slightly. No Loyalist cares.
"So strong was the influence of the Catholic Church in the twenty-six counties that James Craig, the first Prime Minister of “Northern Ireland” once boasted, for all the wrong reason and using the church as an excuse, “a Protestant Parliament, for a Protestant people”. This in itself, no matter what his reasons were, was a sectarian statement, one which hard line unionists and loyalists still prefer today. "
Stop this old nonsense quote mining trope Kevin, the phrase in it's entirety was Craig wondering what Historians in the future would make of two separate political enmities heavily influenced by either denomination would look like. That's all.
The paper tiger of the IRSM having the odd Prod in the ranks is nothing but the equivalent of the Castle Catholic, and heavily insinuating that the scourge of sectarianism was largely the reserve of Loyalists obviously comes from someone who never grew up in the North and sure as shit didn't grow up in Belfast. Both of us Loyalists and Republicans were just as guilty of sectarian attitudes growing up but those of us who lived through it and who have analyzed our own lives realise just how fucking asinine we were to hold such beliefs.
Had to smile recently, both my kids asked what the words Catholic and Protestant meant? They genuinely didn't know. They were both born and raised in Australia and I never talk about what went on and what we lived through. One day maybe but it seems like a lifetime away.
@ Steve R
ReplyDeleteRE: "The paper tiger of the IRSM having the odd Prod in the ranks is nothing but the equivalent of the Castle Catholic"
If I recall correctly, Ronnie Bunting got considerable stick from the Sticks on account of his background (tribal and family). I've heard that his propensity, and skill, at interpersonal violence headed a lot of bigotry that could have been directed at him off at the pass.
That being said, the IRA had not a few Protestant members. I read something once (possibly the 1987 Bishop & Maillie book on the IRA) that at one stage, there was an IRA company on the Shankill Road - not the border, or Provo, campaigns I hasted to add.
"Both of us Loyalists and Republicans were just as guilty of sectarian attitudes growing up but those of us who lived through it and who have analyzed our own lives realise just how fucking asinine we were to hold such beliefs."
There is truth in what you have written, but it doesn't tell a complete story. What I'm about to write also doesn't tell a complete story, but I think it's worth adding to the discourse.
Whilst sectarian thoughts or beliefs may have been consistent across both communities, a substantial majority of sectarian actions came from one side of the community, and were often directed aggressively at the other side of the community.
The CNR community was subjected to sectarian actions by the PUL community far more often than vice versa, in the political, social, and economic arenas. The CNR community was subjected to far more sectarian violence by the PUL community than vice versa.
To be absolutely clear, the CNR community could, and did, subject the PUL community to the full range of sectarian hostility, it just did so in smaller numbers, and arguably in a more secretive way.
I try to understand why this is, and not from a place of hostility. I think it's a complex, messy thing. You and Peter challenged me to write about CNR sectarianism, and I'm glad I did. It was not easy, but I'm glad I had a go. Whilst researching this, I read that one guy I think was responsible for Darkley got attacked in prison by loyalists. I wonder if they knew.
"Had to smile recently, both my kids asked what the words Catholic and Protestant meant? They genuinely didn't know."
This warmed my heart. My own children are (bluntly speaking) half Irish, quarter Northern Irish (and I have no problem with that terminology), and one quarter Cockney. As my dad pointed out, if they're any good they could play for NI, Ireland, Scotland, or England. I couldn't care less which one they would want to play for, or support.
No argument with anything you've said Brandon but it's just human nature to believe we've been sinned against more than we've sinned. Doesn't just apply to Northern Ireland.
DeleteI've never heard of an IRA company on the Shankill, thus it raise a skeptical eyebrow. Wouldn't be completely surprised as a lot of Left leaning socialists sprung from the area. We'd no real problem with the Officials in Belfast at least not that I'm aware of and I've said before Gusty was known to be on friendly terms with a lot of their leadership.
I have to disagree Steibh, when you say "no loyalist cares". Not the impression I got many years ago, back in the eighties, when I was new to the city of Belfast. I mentioned to two fellas I got talking to in a pub having asked the train times, as a tourist when the conversation moved to Irish history, that Wolf Tone was a Protestant and they hit the roof. I soon discovered they were loyalists who you claim no "loyalist cares". I think the words "traitor" referring to Tone left their lips and a "disgrace to the Protestant faith". I pleaded ignorant and asked them to forgive my ignorance of the subject, claiming it was something I read in a book. I then beat a hasty retreat pretending to go for my train.
ReplyDeleteThe title of my piece is "The Five Major Tenets of Irish Republicanism" not the five major tenets of the good people of East and West Belfast or individual republicans. I am coming from an ideological standpoint and it is in that context I wrote, the tenets of republicanism as an ideological whole.
Brandon is quite correct, Ronnie did come in for some stick from many quarters, but not the Irish Republican Socialist Movement. You are right, Steibh, I was not brought up in Belfast but have spent a lot of time there. I am certainly not a native of the city and neither would I pretend to be.
Caoimhin O'Muraile
Think they may have been just rattling your cage Kev. I've spent considerable time around my fellow Loyalists growing up in Belfast and can safely say the vast majority wouldn't even be able to tell you who he was save to say they'd know he was an original United Irishman and yes he was Protestant. This last fact was used as a jib at the perceived sectarian Provos rather than bizarrely claiming he, Tone, was a 'traitor to the Protestant cause'. But as you say, this conversation happened in a pub.
DeleteI beg to differ Steibh, unless these people were actors, in such case they deserved an Oscar, they were bitter against the United Irishmen. They could certainly "care less" that was for sure. That said i did not hang around too long, we didn't swap addresses!!
ReplyDeleteYes, there was an IRA company on the Shankill, back in the early 1930s, around 1932 and the "outdoor relief riots" was the time. It is a historical fact that this company existed, after all, Irish Republicanism at its outset was a Protestant innovation.
Caoimhin O'Muraile
The Shankill contingent at the Bodenstown Parade in 1934 was hackled and made unwelcome by the IRA's Rosary Brigade. It was prevented from carrying its anti-capitalist banners.
DeleteYes, I've heard about that Anthony. Makes a complete mockery of the whole event, here they were, the Republican Movement of the day, paying homage to a Protestant, the father of Irish Republicanism, only to hackle fellow republicans of the Protestant faith!! A complete mockery, but what do we expect from religious maniacs? Little wonder, that same year the 'Republican Congress', a socialist republican alternative, was formed by George Gilmore (a Protestant), Nora and Roddy Connolly along with Frank Ryan and many others. Members of the Congress would fight in Spain against Franco's fascists. By the same token members of the IRAs Rosary brigade would also go to Spain and fight with the fascists.
ReplyDeleteCaoimhin O'Muraile