Tommy McKearneyIn a recent interview with the Irish Times, arch-revisionist historian Roy Foster opined that Irish reunification is nearer than he would have thought a couple of decades ago. 


A week earlier the Irish News published results of an opinion poll indicating a majority of Alliance Party voters believed that, in the absence of a Stormont Assembly, a united Ireland was a preferred option to direct rule. Admittedly, neither fact is a game changer, yet they do underline the immediacy of Irish reunification as an issue.


A re-united Ireland; why do we need it? Is its achievement now a realistic possibility? If the answer to either or both questions is yes, how might we go about ensuring the realisation of this goal?

To begin, let’s explore the value of and indeed need for ending partition. On an everyday yet important level, a single island wide political structure would undoubtedly offer benefits arising from consolidated, unified infrastructures and services. Duplication in health and education provision could be eliminated, for example, while transport facilities would benefit from having a single administration.

Yet reunification would involve much more than consolidation. At its most basic, breaking the political connection with Britain would correct a long violation of democracy and thus reinforce the primacy of a peoples’ will. Such a development would, in turn, offer an opportunity to reassert the country’s independence and sovereignty. Because, notwithstanding assertions that such is already a fact, reality is at odds wıth this claim.

In the first instance we need hardly comment on the absence of independence and sovereignty in the Six Counties. Pro-Consul Heaton-Harris’ refusal last month to endorse the levelling-up payment is proof enough if any were needed. That’s even before mentioning the presence of British Army bases and MI5 offices in the Six Counties.

While south of the border, external influence is such that the old notion of limited home rule is more applicable than independent self-government. Having surrendered ultimate control of its currency, fiscal policy, labour legislation and foreign policy to the European Union, you might think that the Irish ruling class had not much more left to give away. Yet with Micheál Martin, the new John Redmond, planning to end the Triple-Lock, this after his predecessors donated Shannon airport to the US military, now not even the pretense of neutrality remains.

The consequences resulting from conceding control are plain to be seen in both jurisdictions. An island-wide housing crisis, failing health services with adequate access available only to the wealthy, insufficient care for the elderly and offensive, debilitating inequality across the board. All happening as imperialistic neoliberal economic policy is slavishly implemented.

Breaking the political connection with Britain and ending partition will not of itself remedy social and economic deprivation. While reunification is a necessary, indeed vital, precondition for comprehensively addressing the needs of all members of society, a more extensive programme is required and must be implemented. As James Connolly stated forcefully, “unless you set about the organization of the Socialist Republic your efforts will be in vain.”

Objectively speaking the prospect for positive, progressive change is good. There is a growing realisation that the status quo, north and south, is unsustainable. Sinn Féin, currently committed to Irish unity, is apparently well placed to play a leading role in political administrations in Belfast and Dublin.

However, it is important to ensure against that party’s penchant for backsliding. It is evident nevertheless, from its recent u-turn in relation to the Israeli ambassador that the organisation is responsive to grassroots and popular pressure. It’s important therefore not to let them deviate.

The task of building for a workers republic cannot, however, be postponed until after reunification. Both objectives have to be seen as one agenda to be pursued together and that is a challenge facing the serious left. So no let up on demanding reunification but equally an insistence on thorough-going measures to enable economic socialisation and real and meaningful neutrality. Otherwise we risk, at best, turning two failed states into one single, failed entity.

Nevertheless, the prospects for progressive change are encouraging, so in the words of Bobby Seale, let’s seize the time.

Tommy McKearney is a left wing and trade union activist. 
Follow on Twitter @Tommymckearney 

Sovereignty And Reunification

Tommy McKearneyIn a recent interview with the Irish Times, arch-revisionist historian Roy Foster opined that Irish reunification is nearer than he would have thought a couple of decades ago. 


A week earlier the Irish News published results of an opinion poll indicating a majority of Alliance Party voters believed that, in the absence of a Stormont Assembly, a united Ireland was a preferred option to direct rule. Admittedly, neither fact is a game changer, yet they do underline the immediacy of Irish reunification as an issue.


A re-united Ireland; why do we need it? Is its achievement now a realistic possibility? If the answer to either or both questions is yes, how might we go about ensuring the realisation of this goal?

To begin, let’s explore the value of and indeed need for ending partition. On an everyday yet important level, a single island wide political structure would undoubtedly offer benefits arising from consolidated, unified infrastructures and services. Duplication in health and education provision could be eliminated, for example, while transport facilities would benefit from having a single administration.

Yet reunification would involve much more than consolidation. At its most basic, breaking the political connection with Britain would correct a long violation of democracy and thus reinforce the primacy of a peoples’ will. Such a development would, in turn, offer an opportunity to reassert the country’s independence and sovereignty. Because, notwithstanding assertions that such is already a fact, reality is at odds wıth this claim.

In the first instance we need hardly comment on the absence of independence and sovereignty in the Six Counties. Pro-Consul Heaton-Harris’ refusal last month to endorse the levelling-up payment is proof enough if any were needed. That’s even before mentioning the presence of British Army bases and MI5 offices in the Six Counties.

While south of the border, external influence is such that the old notion of limited home rule is more applicable than independent self-government. Having surrendered ultimate control of its currency, fiscal policy, labour legislation and foreign policy to the European Union, you might think that the Irish ruling class had not much more left to give away. Yet with Micheál Martin, the new John Redmond, planning to end the Triple-Lock, this after his predecessors donated Shannon airport to the US military, now not even the pretense of neutrality remains.

The consequences resulting from conceding control are plain to be seen in both jurisdictions. An island-wide housing crisis, failing health services with adequate access available only to the wealthy, insufficient care for the elderly and offensive, debilitating inequality across the board. All happening as imperialistic neoliberal economic policy is slavishly implemented.

Breaking the political connection with Britain and ending partition will not of itself remedy social and economic deprivation. While reunification is a necessary, indeed vital, precondition for comprehensively addressing the needs of all members of society, a more extensive programme is required and must be implemented. As James Connolly stated forcefully, “unless you set about the organization of the Socialist Republic your efforts will be in vain.”

Objectively speaking the prospect for positive, progressive change is good. There is a growing realisation that the status quo, north and south, is unsustainable. Sinn Féin, currently committed to Irish unity, is apparently well placed to play a leading role in political administrations in Belfast and Dublin.

However, it is important to ensure against that party’s penchant for backsliding. It is evident nevertheless, from its recent u-turn in relation to the Israeli ambassador that the organisation is responsive to grassroots and popular pressure. It’s important therefore not to let them deviate.

The task of building for a workers republic cannot, however, be postponed until after reunification. Both objectives have to be seen as one agenda to be pursued together and that is a challenge facing the serious left. So no let up on demanding reunification but equally an insistence on thorough-going measures to enable economic socialisation and real and meaningful neutrality. Otherwise we risk, at best, turning two failed states into one single, failed entity.

Nevertheless, the prospects for progressive change are encouraging, so in the words of Bobby Seale, let’s seize the time.

Tommy McKearney is a left wing and trade union activist. 
Follow on Twitter @Tommymckearney 

4 comments:

  1. The notion of a Worker's Republic is a non-starter due to the expansion of the Middle Class. Indeed, I've noticed on social media a quite disturbing trend toward racism against migrants who come in and who are happy to work for less, accept substandard accommodation and ergo "forcing young Irish natives to seek emigration" . Here's where the real problem lays. You cannot possibly build a movement of workers when the State opens the doors to undercut the locals.

    The EU was the capitalists dream. Cheap, ununionized labour free to travel across borders and who would not dare cause employers trouble. The Old School socialists saw this from the start. Now the chickens are coming home to roost and the local indigenous population are struggling to find work and homes.

    Send them to Australia, we need people! Only problem is we have a pretty strict immigration policy and our border force has no issues sending people back. The audacity!

    ReplyDelete
  2. Pure pipe-dream stuff.
    No change can take place Until Sinn Fein begins to find common purpose with unionists. Some chance.
    Their pro-IRA demonstrations like the Bobby Storey funeral and the "Up the 'Ra" shouts by their public representatives only confirm that the IRA is alive and well and still calling the shots for Sinn Fein. Any doubt about this was confirmed by the Shinners recent futile, foolish and failed attempt to take remove Republic's Minister for Justice and Garda Commissioner.
    This is hardly the way to encourage unionists to vote for a united Ireland. Of course Sinn Fein/IRA could not care less what the unionist community thinks about a united Ireland. Gerry Adams confirmed Sinn Fein'/IRA's determination to bounce 900,000 unionists into a united Ireland against their with his recent "50 + 1" statement (Oops, sorry, Gerry Adams cannot speak for the IRA because he was never a member!). There is no chance of the people in the Republic voting for this. We have enough problems already. Of course, recent behaviour suggests that the Shinners may then sue the people of Ireland for discrimination. Yup, Sinn Fein is a true law-and-order party.
    As for the socialist Utopia, as usual, the first item on the agenda is the split. There 3 or four very small left-wing parties in the Dail who will never get anywhere. Why? Because we have a reasonable welfare state, with benefits greater than in the North. There is no market for socialism (in its true sense) in the South.
    Lastly. on re-opening Stormont, this will never happen until there is an agreement that no single party can shut the place down again. For all their bleating about the people not being represented, Sinn Fein want the place re-opened again under current rules.
    Why? so that when the mood hits them, they can shout down Stormont yet again!

    ReplyDelete
    Replies
    1. Tonyol,

      I got shouted down when I pointed out that FF/FG absolutely do not want a shinner about the Dail so why would they implement a referendum to commit political Hari-Kari?

      FF/FG happy to use the shinners in the North for political expediency but even Varadkar wasn't entertaining the notion of them in Government...what chance has any of them got of persuading the Unionists?

      Delete
  3. Tonyol.....

    What is your problem with a United Ireland? Would you like to see one? If there is a vote on reunification would you vote for/against it?

    ReplyDelete