The IRA, after the failed border campaign of 1956-62 were gone in all but name. Then, in 1969, Catholic areas of Belfast were attacked by loyalist mobs supported by drunkard RUC officers. The most notable areas of the city which came under attack in attempts to carry out what today we would term ‘ethnic cleansing’ were Bombay Street and other streets off the interface areas. Over 3,500 Catholic families were driven from their homes.
What remained of the IRA in Belfast did their best with very few weapons as people like Billy McMillen and Joe McCann along with a skeletal force of poorly equipped volunteers tried in vain to save the areas. The IRA leadership in Dublin led at the time by Cathal Goulding and Sean Garland had neglected the six counties, not taking into account the constant threat from loyalist/fascist gangs. They had taken the movement down some kind of Stalinist variant of Marxism, indistinguishable to many including myself, much to the disgust of the beleaguered residents of Belfast and other areas of the six counties. Graffiti was daubed on the walls – IRA = I Ran Away – which was a little unfair to those volunteers who had done their best with what they had.
The Goulding leadership also decided to decant many republican traditions and principles dating back to the Second Dail Eireann 1922 prior to the Civil War. One such principle to be offloaded was the issue of not entering the Dail, the 26 counties parliament, as this assembly was deemed by republicans illegal. These were two factors, the inability of the Dublin leadership to equip the northern IRA to defend the areas under attack, and entering the 26-county parliament led to the first split in the Republican Movement in 1969. A group styling themselves the’ Provisional IRA’ who were at the time a minority walked away from the Goulding leadership wing, soon to be afforded the name, by the media, ‘Official IRA’. The provisional wing would not enter Dail Eireann under any circumstances and claimed to represent ‘orthodox’ republicanism. The Provisional IRA also set about organising defences of vulnerable Catholic areas.
The Goulding leadership also decided to decant many republican traditions and principles dating back to the Second Dail Eireann 1922 prior to the Civil War. One such principle to be offloaded was the issue of not entering the Dail, the 26 counties parliament, as this assembly was deemed by republicans illegal. These were two factors, the inability of the Dublin leadership to equip the northern IRA to defend the areas under attack, and entering the 26-county parliament led to the first split in the Republican Movement in 1969. A group styling themselves the’ Provisional IRA’ who were at the time a minority walked away from the Goulding leadership wing, soon to be afforded the name, by the media, ‘Official IRA’. The provisional wing would not enter Dail Eireann under any circumstances and claimed to represent ‘orthodox’ republicanism. The Provisional IRA also set about organising defences of vulnerable Catholic areas.
On 27th June, 1970, the PIRA went into action under the command of Billy McKee, chief of staff of the Belfast Brigade, to defend Saint Matthews Church in the Short Strand area of East Belfast. Short Strand is a small nationalist enclave surrounded by hostile loyalists in East Belfast and loyalist mobs were attacking the Catholic church. The Provisionals defended the area against superior numbers very successfully and earned their spurs as defenders of the Catholic communities. The Provisional IRA grew in numbers during the early 70s as young republicans turned their backs on the Goulding wing in their droves.
It should be noted and remembered that when the ‘Officials’ decided to enter Dail Eireann it was against the wishes of Commandant Tom Maguire who was the last surviving member of the Second Dail. He opposed entering the 26-county parliament as did the fledgling Provisionals. Maguire accompanied the separatists assisting in the formation of the provisional wing of the Irish Republican Army.
In 1986 at the Ard Fheis of Provisional Sinn Fein – the name provisional would be dropped in 1990 – now headed by Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness, a vote was taken on lifting ‘abstentionism’ from the 26-county parliament. This vote was carried. Suddenly the voice of Commandant Tom Maguire, who still opposed such a move, appeared not to matter. The decision to enter the Dail was one of the core principles which led to the 1969 split. Now, when it suited, the ‘Provos’ did exactly the same as the ‘Officials’ had done. This led inevitably to another split in the movement. A small group led by Ruari O’Bradaigh and Daithi O’Connell left to form their own movement, Republican Sinn Fein.
It should be noted and remembered that when the ‘Officials’ decided to enter Dail Eireann it was against the wishes of Commandant Tom Maguire who was the last surviving member of the Second Dail. He opposed entering the 26-county parliament as did the fledgling Provisionals. Maguire accompanied the separatists assisting in the formation of the provisional wing of the Irish Republican Army.
In 1986 at the Ard Fheis of Provisional Sinn Fein – the name provisional would be dropped in 1990 – now headed by Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness, a vote was taken on lifting ‘abstentionism’ from the 26-county parliament. This vote was carried. Suddenly the voice of Commandant Tom Maguire, who still opposed such a move, appeared not to matter. The decision to enter the Dail was one of the core principles which led to the 1969 split. Now, when it suited, the ‘Provos’ did exactly the same as the ‘Officials’ had done. This led inevitably to another split in the movement. A small group led by Ruari O’Bradaigh and Daithi O’Connell left to form their own movement, Republican Sinn Fein.
Republican Sinn Fein claimed to represent ‘orthodox’ republicanism. Ring any bells? They described the Provisionals' move as a betrayal of republican principles and maintained, and still do, their opposition to entering Dail Eireann. RSF later gave birth to the Continuity IRA and it was the CIRA who fired the volley of shots over the grave of Commandant Tom Maguire. RSF and CIRA are different organisations under one umbrella - they are not the same organisation. This is not dissimilar to the one time relationship between the Provisional IRA and Provisional Sinn Fein.
Back in 1974 another split within the ‘Official’ Republican Movement occurred, equally as big as the other two cleavages. In 1974 former OIRA commander, Seamus Costello, formed along with other socialists, trade unionists and republicans, the Irish Republican Socialist Party. Costello had opposed the OIRA ceasefire of 1972 and had continued to voice his opposition. This led him to being expelled from the ‘Official’ Republican Movement. The IRSP would later give birth to the Irish National liberation Army, giving the INLA a political voice while maintaining its identity as a separate organisation. Again - same umbrella different organisation, though the same movement. The Republican Socialist Movement fought its political and military war on the slogan; ‘National Liberation and Socialism’ meaning national liberation from Britain was of little use to the working-class unless all the instruments of production, distribution and exchange are in workers hands and under working-class control. To me this was the ideal combination, at least on paper! The IRSM claimed the Marxist tradition of James Connolly with much justification at the time. The INLA also claim to be the inheritors of the Irish Citizen Army formed initially as a worker’s defence force in 1913 during the Dublin Lockout. The Irish Citizen Army under James Connolly’s leadership also took part in the 1916 Easter Rising along with their allies - at least for the week - the Irish Volunteers.
In 1998 the Good Friday Agreement was signed by the Sinn Fein (formerly Provisional Sinn Fein), a move which many republicans saw as a sell-out. Many republicans no longer recognise Sinn Fein, now the largest opposition party in Dail Eireann, as republicans at all. Another sell-out? The IRA, now estranged to a large extent from Sinn Fein, decommissioned their weapons in 2005 in line with the somewhat distorted requirements of the GFA. This decommissioning had started some time earlier but the final report on decommissioning of IRA weapons was submitted by General John De Chastelain in 2005. His findings were accepted by the British and Irish Governments.
Back in 1974 another split within the ‘Official’ Republican Movement occurred, equally as big as the other two cleavages. In 1974 former OIRA commander, Seamus Costello, formed along with other socialists, trade unionists and republicans, the Irish Republican Socialist Party. Costello had opposed the OIRA ceasefire of 1972 and had continued to voice his opposition. This led him to being expelled from the ‘Official’ Republican Movement. The IRSP would later give birth to the Irish National liberation Army, giving the INLA a political voice while maintaining its identity as a separate organisation. Again - same umbrella different organisation, though the same movement. The Republican Socialist Movement fought its political and military war on the slogan; ‘National Liberation and Socialism’ meaning national liberation from Britain was of little use to the working-class unless all the instruments of production, distribution and exchange are in workers hands and under working-class control. To me this was the ideal combination, at least on paper! The IRSM claimed the Marxist tradition of James Connolly with much justification at the time. The INLA also claim to be the inheritors of the Irish Citizen Army formed initially as a worker’s defence force in 1913 during the Dublin Lockout. The Irish Citizen Army under James Connolly’s leadership also took part in the 1916 Easter Rising along with their allies - at least for the week - the Irish Volunteers.
In 1998 the Good Friday Agreement was signed by the Sinn Fein (formerly Provisional Sinn Fein), a move which many republicans saw as a sell-out. Many republicans no longer recognise Sinn Fein, now the largest opposition party in Dail Eireann, as republicans at all. Another sell-out? The IRA, now estranged to a large extent from Sinn Fein, decommissioned their weapons in 2005 in line with the somewhat distorted requirements of the GFA. This decommissioning had started some time earlier but the final report on decommissioning of IRA weapons was submitted by General John De Chastelain in 2005. His findings were accepted by the British and Irish Governments.
The GFA offers little if anything more than could have been achieved back in the seventies under one strand of the ‘Ulsterisation’ policy. Under this British scheme; ‘the IRA would be invited to end its campaign and acquiesce with London’s plan for a shared administration in a Northern Ireland firmly embedded within the United Kingdom but in return would gain admittance into the local political establishment’ (The Provisional IRA From Insurrection to Parliament by Tommy McKearney P134). Not a great deal of difference to what is written in the GFA!
Republican Sinn Fein are not part of the GFA and opposed it all the way, claiming it is yet another betrayal by their former comrades. The Continuity IRA have not decommissioned again unlike their former comrades.
The IRSP are not signatories to the GFA, that would have been a total contradiction for them. The IRSM consider themselves to be a revolutionary socialist organisation and to sign an agreement legitimised by the annexing of the British/Irish Agreement signed between two supporters of free market capitalism would not only have betrayed republican principles but, perhaps more importantly, it would have betrayed the cause of revolutionary socialism/communism and internationalism! The INLA did, however, decommission their weapons in 2010 to De Chastelain’s satisfaction.
This begs the question; how can the fight for socialism continue if the army of the ‘socialist republic’ is decommissioned? The bosses, the present owners of the instruments of production, distribution and exchange, the capitalist class, still have their armies in the six and 26 counties in tact and fully equipped. Both these forces of capitalism would not hesitate to open fire on the working-class if they considered the capitalist state was under threat by the forces of organised labour. Where are the modern equivalent of the Irish Citizen Army to put up a defence?
Today we also have many splinter groups or ‘dissidents’ as some call them mainly though not exclusively having split from the Provisionals. We have groups calling themselves the ‘Real IRA’ another group styling themselves the ‘New IRA’ and both carry out acts which at very, very best could be called incompetent. I often wonder who is or are running these factions? There are other groups who do not have republic or republican in their name but who do, all the same, consider themselves to be republicans. Some do good work, like Anti Imperialist Action Ireland who helped form the ‘Revolutionary Housing League’ fighting against evictions. A laudable avenue to take.
So, where is republicanism and republican socialism going? Perhaps the IRSM should start looking closer at the rise of fascism and far right politics across Europe including Ireland as well as Britain. The anti-fascist groups in Ireland do not appear that strong against an ideology which is gaining momentum and, I hate to say, support. Might it not be an idea to confront these neo-Nazis on the streets in much the same way the IRA of many years ago confronted the Blue Shirts? These right-wing terror groups now account for 50% of terrorist attacks and with the rise of organisations like ‘National Action’ in Britain and Justin Barrett’s National Party in the 26 counties, could this be a new approach certainly, though again not exclusively, for the IRSM? These organisations are the capitalist class’s insurance in case their economy comes under serious attack from the revolutionary socialist side, which the IRSM are supposed to be part of! As for the broader republican groups they are, and always have been, broad church in membership. Their members spread from a Marxist position to acute conservatism, almost fascist. So, perhaps the question could be asked is: how opposed to the far right are these republican groups, republican socialism exempt? Could this be a way forward for Irish Republicanism and Republican Socialism a united front against fascism?
Another avenue forward particularly, but not exclusively, for the Irish Republican Socialist Movement is involvement in the workplace and the trade unions. Militant independent working-class activity is a fundamental principle of Marxism, a tradition the IRSM claim to come from. Militant shop stewards are the backbone of such action independent of the union leaderships. This would be an ideal niche for the IRSM or indeed all left-wing republicanism to involve themselves with. This is also a way of promoting the “workers republic” theory which the IRSM claim to be aiming for across the 32 counties. The armed campaign is over, at least for the foreseeable future, and the motto of the movement is ‘National Liberation and socialism’, so where better to start for the latter than at the point of production, the workplace. Be it an office full of modern technology or a Fordist style factory they are still the instruments of production. James Connolly was a huge believer in independent working-class action at the point of production. The IRSP claim to be Marxists in the Connolly tradition so where better to start than in the workplace or, failing that, working for a trade union? Within the workplace many political debates can be entered particularly at union meetings. One worthy debate would be the contradictions of the GFA!
Another route for all strands of republicanism is to campaign for a nationwide referendum on Irish unification, not just a Border Poll. Explaining the two different political systems between the twenty-six and six counties and how to circumvent these for such a nationwide 32 county poll! Highlight the ambiguities of the Good Friday Agreement and the reasons why, without these contradictions being sorted out, it should never have been signed.
There may well be other suggestions for the way forward which would be interesting to hear, this is not a closed list of suggestions.
Today we also have many splinter groups or ‘dissidents’ as some call them mainly though not exclusively having split from the Provisionals. We have groups calling themselves the ‘Real IRA’ another group styling themselves the ‘New IRA’ and both carry out acts which at very, very best could be called incompetent. I often wonder who is or are running these factions? There are other groups who do not have republic or republican in their name but who do, all the same, consider themselves to be republicans. Some do good work, like Anti Imperialist Action Ireland who helped form the ‘Revolutionary Housing League’ fighting against evictions. A laudable avenue to take.
So, where is republicanism and republican socialism going? Perhaps the IRSM should start looking closer at the rise of fascism and far right politics across Europe including Ireland as well as Britain. The anti-fascist groups in Ireland do not appear that strong against an ideology which is gaining momentum and, I hate to say, support. Might it not be an idea to confront these neo-Nazis on the streets in much the same way the IRA of many years ago confronted the Blue Shirts? These right-wing terror groups now account for 50% of terrorist attacks and with the rise of organisations like ‘National Action’ in Britain and Justin Barrett’s National Party in the 26 counties, could this be a new approach certainly, though again not exclusively, for the IRSM? These organisations are the capitalist class’s insurance in case their economy comes under serious attack from the revolutionary socialist side, which the IRSM are supposed to be part of! As for the broader republican groups they are, and always have been, broad church in membership. Their members spread from a Marxist position to acute conservatism, almost fascist. So, perhaps the question could be asked is: how opposed to the far right are these republican groups, republican socialism exempt? Could this be a way forward for Irish Republicanism and Republican Socialism a united front against fascism?
Another avenue forward particularly, but not exclusively, for the Irish Republican Socialist Movement is involvement in the workplace and the trade unions. Militant independent working-class activity is a fundamental principle of Marxism, a tradition the IRSM claim to come from. Militant shop stewards are the backbone of such action independent of the union leaderships. This would be an ideal niche for the IRSM or indeed all left-wing republicanism to involve themselves with. This is also a way of promoting the “workers republic” theory which the IRSM claim to be aiming for across the 32 counties. The armed campaign is over, at least for the foreseeable future, and the motto of the movement is ‘National Liberation and socialism’, so where better to start for the latter than at the point of production, the workplace. Be it an office full of modern technology or a Fordist style factory they are still the instruments of production. James Connolly was a huge believer in independent working-class action at the point of production. The IRSP claim to be Marxists in the Connolly tradition so where better to start than in the workplace or, failing that, working for a trade union? Within the workplace many political debates can be entered particularly at union meetings. One worthy debate would be the contradictions of the GFA!
Another route for all strands of republicanism is to campaign for a nationwide referendum on Irish unification, not just a Border Poll. Explaining the two different political systems between the twenty-six and six counties and how to circumvent these for such a nationwide 32 county poll! Highlight the ambiguities of the Good Friday Agreement and the reasons why, without these contradictions being sorted out, it should never have been signed.
There may well be other suggestions for the way forward which would be interesting to hear, this is not a closed list of suggestions.
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| Caoimhin O’Muraile is Independent Socialist Republican and Marxist. |
I would like to publish a reply to this article. I cannot find the submissions section on the website. Would appreciate some help, thank you...
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Could easily write a comment, d, all views welcome.
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In the series Where now for Irish Republicanism......
ReplyDeleteThe first article that appeared on TPQ called Fourthwrite ➖ Republicanism ... Alive or Dying? has to be thrown into the mix.....
True, Frankie, I believe republicanism and, from my ideological viewpoint, republican socialism, has now the opportunity to expand, opposse fascism and build on the ideas of James Connolly and, I might add, Winifred Carney who wad Connolly's Secretary in the ITGWU and a combatant in the Irish Citizen Army. She stood as a Sinn Fein candidate in East Belfst in the 1918 General Election. A staunch socialist republican, she married an Orangeman, a Protestant trade unionist. Both agreed on common ownership of the instruments of production for the common good.
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