Des Dalton lends his voice to the TPQ discussion about the future of republicanism.

Independence is not a word which can used as an exorcism, but an indispensable condition for the existence of men and women who are truly liberated, in other words who are truly masters of all the material means which make possible the radical transformation of society - Frantz Fanon

We are told that the road to a united Ireland is wide open. That the end goal and the dreams and aspirations of centuries of Irish Republicans and separatists are about to be realised. Brexit and little England nationalism has delivered to us on a plate what decades of struggle and sacrifice were not able to do. At least that is what we are led to believe by Provisional Sinn FΓ©in and their various media cheerleaders. As usual of course it is necessary to dig a little deeper if we are to get beyond the hyperbole and spin and get to a fuller understanding of what is playing out in front of us.

While it is true that Brexit and its unintended if not unforeseen consequences for Ireland have placed a spotlight on partition in way that appeared out of the question post the 1998 Agreement. It has proven to be a massive own goal for unionism, opening the Pandora’s box that surrounds the whole question of the constitutional status of the Six-County State. This was a box that they believed had been firmly shut in 1998 for a generation or more. People are seriously engaging in discussion and debate on a United Ireland in a way that was unthinkable post 1998 to such an extent that even Peter Robinson has publicly acknowledged that unionists must begin to prepare for “the possibility of a united Ireland.”

However, we need to look at the bigger picture rather than allowing ourselves to be sucked in by the spin and the sophistry of PSF and their acolytes. The reality is far more nuanced. While there are opportunities there to be exploited by those with genuine republican aspirations and ideas, the constitutional status of the Six County state is much more secure now than PSF and others would have you believe, thanks in no small part to the 1998 Agreement, a document, by the way, which they invest now with a quasi-religious character.

For instance, their much trumpeted ‘Border poll’ is predicated on a partitionist unit of decision making, a poll that can only be called at the whim and pleasure of the British Government’s Six County Secretary of State. Such a vote would trump any reciprocal poll in the 26 Counties. Thus, the Irish people are denied the right to determine their future in an act of what would be real All-Ireland democracy. Constitutional nationalism waived any claim to the exercise of such a right in 1998, embracing instead the British parameters and definition of what is an Irish nation.

Even acceptance of the unionist veto no longer appears to be enough anymore, as demographic change appears to be prompting a changing of the goal posts, with former 26-County premier Bertie Ahern amongst others, warning that 51% would not be an adequate mandate for a united Ireland. Such a position opens the door to what would amount to a permanent unionist veto over any move to end partition. All of this simply underscores how much of a ‘pig in a poke’ was sold to the Provisionals in 1998.

Whilst the British Government and unionism gained everything of substance such as the securing of partition and continued British rule, reinforced by the co-option of both constitutional nationalist parties into the administration of a new Stormont and acceptance of the unionist veto. The window dressing was reserved for the Provisionals and the SDLP. A British/Unionist acceptance that the aspiration to a united Ireland was a legitimate one to hold, was as much of a concession on the constitutional question that either PSF or the SDLP could wring from the British/unionist side. The only substantial win by the Provisionals was on the release of prisoners. Even on this issue there was claw back, with prisoners only released on licence and some finding themselves back behind bars if they stepped outside the new consensus. Even the fig leaf of a supposed British Government neutrality on the question of partition has been removed, with both the British Prime Minister and the leader of the Opposition in Westminster committed to “upholding the Union” in any future ‘Border Poll.’

Where does this leave what I describe as traditional republicans? As I acknowledge above, while we are far from some high road to the Republic there are certainly opportunities. The biggest problem faced by republicans is that it currently lies in disarray with disparate voices and organisations. Sadly, some of the organisations remain locked in a cult like obsession with an armed campaign which effectively ended in any true sense many years ago Instead these groups seem content to continue to encourage young people to go lemming like over the precipice into long term imprisonment or worse in the name of merely “keeping the flame alive”. All the while any questioning of this insanity is suppressed or silenced, as I discovered after over thirty years of activism. How many more of our young people must be needlessly sacrificed so that some can continue to thump their chests and proclaim their republican credentials? Such peacocking is not only morally repugnant but is a poor substitute for strategic thinking, policy initiative, in short, basic leadership.

I can think of numerous better ways we can keep the flame of Irish Republicanism burning bright and in doing so attracting the brightest and best of a new generation. The ‘Decade of Centenaries showed the extent to which Irish people are attached to our revolutionary history and importantly its ideals. Therein lies at least one conduit to a more substantial activism.

I believe that within the ranks of independent republicanism lies the most fertile ground for advancing a genuine progressive republican project. How that ferment of ideas can be harnessed and utilised is another question as I believe the last thing we need is yet another republican organisation to join the already existing alphabet soup.

As a traditional Republican I believe that in advancing such a project we must get back to basics. Defining clearly what republicanism is and what its goals are. We do not simply seek a united Ireland. We are not mere “united Irelanders” as Mary Lou McDonald and others now define themselves, whatever that actually means? The goal of Republicanism is the All-Ireland Republic and all that it entails as set out in the 1916 Proclamation. That is our starting point, republicanism is not about cobbling together some kind of 32-County Free State, it is about creating a New Ireland, one fashioned in the image of the 1916 Proclamation and all that is progressive and forward thinking in the republican tradition, whilst cultivating the talents and genius of a new generation.

In doing this we must unequivocally reject those who seek to hijack the name of republicanism and displacing it with a racist and narrow xenophobic nationalism.

Their politics is far removed from Irish Republicanism and this is something that I believe needs to be restated every time these people wrap themselves in the national flag or quote the 1916 Proclamation to advance their foul politics of division and exclusion.

In 2020 I wrote the following, I believe it bears repeating:

The three major proclamations issued in 1803, 1867 and 1916 all sought more than a mere British withdrawal from Ireland. Each, to a greater or lesser degree sough radical social and economic change in terms of property relations, universal suffrage, and church state relations. Irish Republicanism while naturally drawing on a distinct Irish cultural and historical identity has also never been afraid to look outwards. Just as the United Irishmen sought aid from revolutionary France, the Fenians forged links with the nascent First International. Irish Republicans have forged links with other anti-colonial struggles, from India to Kenya.

 The Republican Movement I joined as teenager stood by the marginalised and the excluded regardless of colour, creed or nationality and would not have countenanced any within their ranks who were willing to line up beside the English Far Right and their stooges.

Republicanism has always punched up not down.

The preceding are just my thoughts on where we are and what is required of us as republicans if we are genuine in seeking to advance a traditional republican programme. A truly living and vibrant flame…

Des Dalton is a long time republican activist.

Keepers Of A Living Flame π‘ͺŸ What Irish Republicanism Means To Me

Des Dalton lends his voice to the TPQ discussion about the future of republicanism.

Independence is not a word which can used as an exorcism, but an indispensable condition for the existence of men and women who are truly liberated, in other words who are truly masters of all the material means which make possible the radical transformation of society - Frantz Fanon

We are told that the road to a united Ireland is wide open. That the end goal and the dreams and aspirations of centuries of Irish Republicans and separatists are about to be realised. Brexit and little England nationalism has delivered to us on a plate what decades of struggle and sacrifice were not able to do. At least that is what we are led to believe by Provisional Sinn FΓ©in and their various media cheerleaders. As usual of course it is necessary to dig a little deeper if we are to get beyond the hyperbole and spin and get to a fuller understanding of what is playing out in front of us.

While it is true that Brexit and its unintended if not unforeseen consequences for Ireland have placed a spotlight on partition in way that appeared out of the question post the 1998 Agreement. It has proven to be a massive own goal for unionism, opening the Pandora’s box that surrounds the whole question of the constitutional status of the Six-County State. This was a box that they believed had been firmly shut in 1998 for a generation or more. People are seriously engaging in discussion and debate on a United Ireland in a way that was unthinkable post 1998 to such an extent that even Peter Robinson has publicly acknowledged that unionists must begin to prepare for “the possibility of a united Ireland.”

However, we need to look at the bigger picture rather than allowing ourselves to be sucked in by the spin and the sophistry of PSF and their acolytes. The reality is far more nuanced. While there are opportunities there to be exploited by those with genuine republican aspirations and ideas, the constitutional status of the Six County state is much more secure now than PSF and others would have you believe, thanks in no small part to the 1998 Agreement, a document, by the way, which they invest now with a quasi-religious character.

For instance, their much trumpeted ‘Border poll’ is predicated on a partitionist unit of decision making, a poll that can only be called at the whim and pleasure of the British Government’s Six County Secretary of State. Such a vote would trump any reciprocal poll in the 26 Counties. Thus, the Irish people are denied the right to determine their future in an act of what would be real All-Ireland democracy. Constitutional nationalism waived any claim to the exercise of such a right in 1998, embracing instead the British parameters and definition of what is an Irish nation.

Even acceptance of the unionist veto no longer appears to be enough anymore, as demographic change appears to be prompting a changing of the goal posts, with former 26-County premier Bertie Ahern amongst others, warning that 51% would not be an adequate mandate for a united Ireland. Such a position opens the door to what would amount to a permanent unionist veto over any move to end partition. All of this simply underscores how much of a ‘pig in a poke’ was sold to the Provisionals in 1998.

Whilst the British Government and unionism gained everything of substance such as the securing of partition and continued British rule, reinforced by the co-option of both constitutional nationalist parties into the administration of a new Stormont and acceptance of the unionist veto. The window dressing was reserved for the Provisionals and the SDLP. A British/Unionist acceptance that the aspiration to a united Ireland was a legitimate one to hold, was as much of a concession on the constitutional question that either PSF or the SDLP could wring from the British/unionist side. The only substantial win by the Provisionals was on the release of prisoners. Even on this issue there was claw back, with prisoners only released on licence and some finding themselves back behind bars if they stepped outside the new consensus. Even the fig leaf of a supposed British Government neutrality on the question of partition has been removed, with both the British Prime Minister and the leader of the Opposition in Westminster committed to “upholding the Union” in any future ‘Border Poll.’

Where does this leave what I describe as traditional republicans? As I acknowledge above, while we are far from some high road to the Republic there are certainly opportunities. The biggest problem faced by republicans is that it currently lies in disarray with disparate voices and organisations. Sadly, some of the organisations remain locked in a cult like obsession with an armed campaign which effectively ended in any true sense many years ago Instead these groups seem content to continue to encourage young people to go lemming like over the precipice into long term imprisonment or worse in the name of merely “keeping the flame alive”. All the while any questioning of this insanity is suppressed or silenced, as I discovered after over thirty years of activism. How many more of our young people must be needlessly sacrificed so that some can continue to thump their chests and proclaim their republican credentials? Such peacocking is not only morally repugnant but is a poor substitute for strategic thinking, policy initiative, in short, basic leadership.

I can think of numerous better ways we can keep the flame of Irish Republicanism burning bright and in doing so attracting the brightest and best of a new generation. The ‘Decade of Centenaries showed the extent to which Irish people are attached to our revolutionary history and importantly its ideals. Therein lies at least one conduit to a more substantial activism.

I believe that within the ranks of independent republicanism lies the most fertile ground for advancing a genuine progressive republican project. How that ferment of ideas can be harnessed and utilised is another question as I believe the last thing we need is yet another republican organisation to join the already existing alphabet soup.

As a traditional Republican I believe that in advancing such a project we must get back to basics. Defining clearly what republicanism is and what its goals are. We do not simply seek a united Ireland. We are not mere “united Irelanders” as Mary Lou McDonald and others now define themselves, whatever that actually means? The goal of Republicanism is the All-Ireland Republic and all that it entails as set out in the 1916 Proclamation. That is our starting point, republicanism is not about cobbling together some kind of 32-County Free State, it is about creating a New Ireland, one fashioned in the image of the 1916 Proclamation and all that is progressive and forward thinking in the republican tradition, whilst cultivating the talents and genius of a new generation.

In doing this we must unequivocally reject those who seek to hijack the name of republicanism and displacing it with a racist and narrow xenophobic nationalism.

Their politics is far removed from Irish Republicanism and this is something that I believe needs to be restated every time these people wrap themselves in the national flag or quote the 1916 Proclamation to advance their foul politics of division and exclusion.

In 2020 I wrote the following, I believe it bears repeating:

The three major proclamations issued in 1803, 1867 and 1916 all sought more than a mere British withdrawal from Ireland. Each, to a greater or lesser degree sough radical social and economic change in terms of property relations, universal suffrage, and church state relations. Irish Republicanism while naturally drawing on a distinct Irish cultural and historical identity has also never been afraid to look outwards. Just as the United Irishmen sought aid from revolutionary France, the Fenians forged links with the nascent First International. Irish Republicans have forged links with other anti-colonial struggles, from India to Kenya.

 The Republican Movement I joined as teenager stood by the marginalised and the excluded regardless of colour, creed or nationality and would not have countenanced any within their ranks who were willing to line up beside the English Far Right and their stooges.

Republicanism has always punched up not down.

The preceding are just my thoughts on where we are and what is required of us as republicans if we are genuine in seeking to advance a traditional republican programme. A truly living and vibrant flame…

Des Dalton is a long time republican activist.

3 comments:

  1. As a "Traditional Republican" who invokes the spirit of the Proclamation of 1916, what is your view on the current Irish Defense Forces and specifically their legitimacy?

    ReplyDelete
  2. My attitude to the 26-County state and it's various institutions is well known and on the public record and has not changed.

    ReplyDelete
  3. Des, a thoughtful piece with a timely warning towards the end about attempts by the racist right to fill the vacuum caused by the type of culture that has the Provos rushing off to celebrate the coronation of their king.

    ReplyDelete