Anthony McIntyre ✒ As Peter Anderson wrote earlier, what a week.


One of those fabled Martians just fresh from reading George Orwell as a guide to Planet Earth might feel they were observing the funerary ritual around Big Sister. Screens and monitors in ubiquity, a saturation of martial culture, obedience and conformity demanded from on high, all citizens must march in step - we who mourn together - with lashings of pomp and conservative tradition laid on thick. Not a discordant note would be heard, even from a child with Tourette’s. Abusers were permitted to ceremonially walk the highways and byways while those pillorying them were arrested; an erstwhile republican party, some former leaders of which sat on the army council that signed off on the killing of Big Sister’s cousin, felt honoured to be able to curtsy and bow. If there is something to be found that is amusing in a sea of mourning, it has to be that. And the maestros of meme reminded us with savage wit.


Sinn Fein’s relationship to British royalty is deferential whereas it used to be defiant. Its odyssey marks the party's transition from radical opponent of the establishment to compliant team player within the establishment. When Mark Durkan as SDLP leader attended the funeral of the Queen Mother, Sinn Fein lambasted him as a West Brit. Fair to assume that, whatever he was, his critics are no different.

A genuine republican party, it might be imagined, would be railing against cancer patients’ hospital appointments being cancelled because of the Queen’s funeral, against Clarence House workers being made redundant after her death, against anti-monarchy protesters being arrested. Not a word on any of that from Sinn Fein.

It is indicative of how successful British counter insurgency strategy has been - bringing republicans on board the Royal yacht but on condition that republicanism first walked the plank. There remains a bit of radical posturing but no radical substance. In essence the party has been deradicalized and constitutionalised. While it might position the deckchairs differently, it is really not all that different from Fianna Fail and Fine Gael in its eagerness to take its place at the queen’s feet beside the royal corgi.

The British establishment has moulded Sinn Fein in its own image, manifested in the V.S. Naipaul mimic men imagery where Sinn Fein-Monarchy interaction exudes the penumbra Victory to the Banquet Men over the Blanket Men.

All this in a context of the British establishment not having changed its attire or demeanour but having Sinn Fein officials looking and sounding more like prison governors than prisoners and agreeing to republican activists of the Bobby Sands era being prosecuted in British non-jury Courts if evidence becomes available. In an Alice In Wonderland turn of events, the party now sounds considerably less radical than Jedward in relation to British royalty. If you were to greet a Sinn Fein member of long standing, rather than a Johnny-come-lately, with God save the King, they would scowl at you – not because they suspect you are wrong, but because you remind them that they are.

Part of Sinn Fein spinning is to laud the Queen for her part in the peace process. It is impossible to see what role she played in it other than, as victorious sovereign whose sovereignty Sinn Fein promised to end, meeting Martin McGuinness in his role as a former leader of an army that had abandoned its own terms for unity and accepted the British terms – unity only by consent. He lined up to meet her. She did not line up to meet him. The Sovereign and the subject. Tells us something about the power asymmetry.

Yet, tactically, as part of its embrace of establishment politics, it is a prudent move. Sinn Fein will not be harmed by it and have certainly outflanked the DUP by taking up poll position as cheerleaders for the monarchy. As searingly described by Deirdre Heenan:

The first visit of a new King should have been a moment to savour for the DUP. Instead it was a humiliating, PR disaster. They were completely outmanoeuvred and sidelined by Sinn Féin in a situation completely of their own making.

More proof if needed that the DUP since Foster can be relied upon to snatch defeat from the jaws of victory.

Republicans who continue to maintain a republican stance towards monarchy will find the entire thing an objectionable ideological charade where lapdogs and corgis each know their place. Designed with one overriding priority - conserve and preserve the decadence of imperial inequality and wealth disparity. But it is long past the point where such objections amount to much other than venting steam. It has no political currency in the present political climate where the spirit of the times has decisively swung against the traditional republican worldview.

At the heel of the hunt, Sinn Fein is doing what it has to do in order to maintain its place within the establishment camp. It’s good for business, literally, and political careers.

⏩ Follow on Twitter @AnthonyMcIntyre

He's Our King Too, You Know

Anthony McIntyre ✒ As Peter Anderson wrote earlier, what a week.


One of those fabled Martians just fresh from reading George Orwell as a guide to Planet Earth might feel they were observing the funerary ritual around Big Sister. Screens and monitors in ubiquity, a saturation of martial culture, obedience and conformity demanded from on high, all citizens must march in step - we who mourn together - with lashings of pomp and conservative tradition laid on thick. Not a discordant note would be heard, even from a child with Tourette’s. Abusers were permitted to ceremonially walk the highways and byways while those pillorying them were arrested; an erstwhile republican party, some former leaders of which sat on the army council that signed off on the killing of Big Sister’s cousin, felt honoured to be able to curtsy and bow. If there is something to be found that is amusing in a sea of mourning, it has to be that. And the maestros of meme reminded us with savage wit.


Sinn Fein’s relationship to British royalty is deferential whereas it used to be defiant. Its odyssey marks the party's transition from radical opponent of the establishment to compliant team player within the establishment. When Mark Durkan as SDLP leader attended the funeral of the Queen Mother, Sinn Fein lambasted him as a West Brit. Fair to assume that, whatever he was, his critics are no different.

A genuine republican party, it might be imagined, would be railing against cancer patients’ hospital appointments being cancelled because of the Queen’s funeral, against Clarence House workers being made redundant after her death, against anti-monarchy protesters being arrested. Not a word on any of that from Sinn Fein.

It is indicative of how successful British counter insurgency strategy has been - bringing republicans on board the Royal yacht but on condition that republicanism first walked the plank. There remains a bit of radical posturing but no radical substance. In essence the party has been deradicalized and constitutionalised. While it might position the deckchairs differently, it is really not all that different from Fianna Fail and Fine Gael in its eagerness to take its place at the queen’s feet beside the royal corgi.

The British establishment has moulded Sinn Fein in its own image, manifested in the V.S. Naipaul mimic men imagery where Sinn Fein-Monarchy interaction exudes the penumbra Victory to the Banquet Men over the Blanket Men.

All this in a context of the British establishment not having changed its attire or demeanour but having Sinn Fein officials looking and sounding more like prison governors than prisoners and agreeing to republican activists of the Bobby Sands era being prosecuted in British non-jury Courts if evidence becomes available. In an Alice In Wonderland turn of events, the party now sounds considerably less radical than Jedward in relation to British royalty. If you were to greet a Sinn Fein member of long standing, rather than a Johnny-come-lately, with God save the King, they would scowl at you – not because they suspect you are wrong, but because you remind them that they are.

Part of Sinn Fein spinning is to laud the Queen for her part in the peace process. It is impossible to see what role she played in it other than, as victorious sovereign whose sovereignty Sinn Fein promised to end, meeting Martin McGuinness in his role as a former leader of an army that had abandoned its own terms for unity and accepted the British terms – unity only by consent. He lined up to meet her. She did not line up to meet him. The Sovereign and the subject. Tells us something about the power asymmetry.

Yet, tactically, as part of its embrace of establishment politics, it is a prudent move. Sinn Fein will not be harmed by it and have certainly outflanked the DUP by taking up poll position as cheerleaders for the monarchy. As searingly described by Deirdre Heenan:

The first visit of a new King should have been a moment to savour for the DUP. Instead it was a humiliating, PR disaster. They were completely outmanoeuvred and sidelined by Sinn Féin in a situation completely of their own making.

More proof if needed that the DUP since Foster can be relied upon to snatch defeat from the jaws of victory.

Republicans who continue to maintain a republican stance towards monarchy will find the entire thing an objectionable ideological charade where lapdogs and corgis each know their place. Designed with one overriding priority - conserve and preserve the decadence of imperial inequality and wealth disparity. But it is long past the point where such objections amount to much other than venting steam. It has no political currency in the present political climate where the spirit of the times has decisively swung against the traditional republican worldview.

At the heel of the hunt, Sinn Fein is doing what it has to do in order to maintain its place within the establishment camp. It’s good for business, literally, and political careers.

⏩ Follow on Twitter @AnthonyMcIntyre

3 comments:

  1. The ' Blanket ' has become a ' Cloak ' .....

    ReplyDelete
  2. Many years ago, a friend and comrade of mine told me, "the provos are talking about non-use of weaponary" to achieve their goal. That was in 1988 and meant a ceasefire. I bet even he did not envisage where and how far this change in strategy would go, right to the court of Buckhouse.

    Caoimhin O'Muraile

    ReplyDelete