Guest writer, former republican prisoner Risteard Pádraic Ó
Murchú, with a history of policing in Ireland which he had completed writing in
November 2013. Just prior to becoming a political prisoner for the third time Alec McCrory asked TPQ to feature this piece.
British Political Policing in Ireland has been around now for
well over 200 years. Throughout the last two centuries and right up to the
present day Irish citizens have been subjected to a ‘British Police State’ in
which the British Government has exercised colonial and repressive controls
over the social, economic, and political life of the people of Ireland.
Early Policing in Ireland
Some of the earliest forms of policing in Irish towns and
cities were maintained by Night Watchmen, parish constables and the British
Army. The Night Watchmen had protected Ireland's Norman towns and cities from
about the 14th century. Between 1723 and 1785, ‘The Civil Patrol Men’
(nicknamed the "Charlies") formed as armed constables to patrol
Dublin City. In the rural areas of Ireland numerous units of militia were
locally raised in towns to augment and gradually replace the garrisoned
regiments of regular army. The militia units included: Athlone Rangers,
Kilkenny Rangers, Naas Light Dragoons, Shinrone Volunteers, Tullamore Rangers
etc. The militia served as an auxiliary military force and also performed
routine police duties.
The Night Watchmen and Militias came under the control of
local magistrates, and apart from ‘normal policing duties’ they enforced the
Penal Laws during the time of the "Protestant Ascendancy" which set
out to ‘punish’ all members of the catholic religion, one magistrate in
Roscommon wrote, ‘We shall never be safe till a wolf’s head and a priest’s head
be at the same rate.’
The Dublin Police Act 1786 was established to bring policing
in Ireland under a more organised system. In 1787, the Baronial Police
("Old Barneys") was created to police the remainder of Ireland. All
appointees had to be Protestants. The armed police and watchmen of the Dublin
Police were replaced by an unarmed police force in 1795. The Baronial Police
was an undisciplined force without a set uniform, dealing only with minor
incidents. They relied on the British Army to suppress serious disturbances,
such as the 1798 Rebellion and attacks and raids by Secret Societies, even
after the creation of the "Old Barneys" many rural towns retained
their own police forces or Watch system.
The Rise of the Peelers
In 1813 British MP and future British Prime Minister Robert
Peel (Chief Secretary in Dublin) introduced the Peace Preservation Act, which
allowed for a chief magistrate and a troop of armed men to travel to any part
of Ireland to control areas in a "state of disturbance" in order to
restore peace. Peel had been one of the most outspoken opponents of Catholic
Emancipation (earning the nickname "Orange Peel"). In 1814 he set up
the Peace Preservation Force (later to become known as the Peelers). Without
set uniforms the PPF, many of whom were ex-soldiers after returning from the
Napoleonic Wars, donned the uniforms of their former military units while
performing their policing duties. This practice of wearing their military
uniforms for policing duties continued until 1828 when a standard uniform was issued
to the County Constabulary.
In 1822 the Constabulary Act was passed and a system of
county constabularies under a single police force had been established,
allowing for a more structured British police force in Ireland. Each area of
the country was under the control of the head of British administration in
Ireland, Dublin Castle and had a rank structure in place with a Chief Constable
at the head of each regional force. Policing the collection of tithes during
the Tithe War, 1831-1836, was one of the responsibilities of the new force.
Tithes were due to the Protestant Anglican church and were collected from the
mainly Catholic population, many of whom were living in very poor conditions,
often under the threat of eviction from their tyrannical landlords.
The Constabulary (Ireland) Act, 1836, was introduced by
Thomas Drummond, Under Secretary for Ireland. It centralised the police forces
(with about 5,000 men) under the direct control of an Inspector-General in
Dublin Castle with a set of standard regulations and became known as the 'The
Constabulary of Ireland'. Members served under a strict code, which governed
all aspects of their lives, on and off duty. Elaborate precautions were taken
at all times. Policemen who lived in barracks, were prohibited from serving in
their (or their wives’) native areas. A year later the first "Irish
Constabulary Code" was published with a comprehensive code of discipline
and regulations and decreed that the standard colour of the uniform would be
rifle green. The Constabulary of Ireland carried out a full range of tasks,
including facilitating evictions for the absentee landlords, but it’s most
important task was that of security, due to the ever-present threat of
nationalist rebellion. Due to this it was organised as a colonial constabulary
and as an armed, paramilitary force, rather than along the lines of other
conventional police forces in Britain.
The Constabulary of Ireland held jurisdiction over the
entire country with the exception of the cities of Dublin, Belfast and Derry.
In Dublin the force was called the Dublin Metropolitan Police. In Belfast they
were called The Belfast Police (nicknamed the "Bulkies") 1816-1865;
formed to patrol Belfast City. They were disbanded and replaced by the Irish
Constabulary following serious riots in the city usually as a result of Orange
Marches. In Derry they were The Derry Police (nicknamed the "Horny
Dicks" because of the bone reinforcements in their top hats) ~1816-1870;
formed to patrol Derry City. They were disbanded and replaced by the Royal
Irish Constabulary after rioting when Apprentice Boys were killed.
Republicanism was beginning to reorganise around the 1840s
which led to the Young Ireland Rebellion of 1848. The Irish Constabulary was
used to suppress it, and this was during height of An Gorta Mór. Around 70% of
the Irish Constabulary were Catholics, like their neighbours, and this often
led to confrontations between them. The 1850s and 60s gave rise to Fenian
period where Republicans were planning a Rebellion in 1867. With spies and
informers at the ready within the local communities, which were developed by
the Constabulary, this led to the infiltration of the IRB. Queen Victoria was
so impressed with the performance of the Constabulary during this last
rebellion that, in 1868, she issued them with a royal charter and, from then
on, they became known as the Royal Irish Constabulary.
The Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC), was Britain’s colonial
police force in Ireland. It was a heavily armed paramilitary organisation quartered
in over 1,600 fortified bases or stations throughout the island of Ireland,
enforcing British rule and British laws in the country. As well as infantry
training and tactics drawn from the British Armed Forces it was equipped with
the best of weapons, modern rifles and handguns, motorcars and lorries,
telephones and telegraph systems, at a time when such things were not available
to the wider population.
The RICs main purpose was fighting a constant
counter-insurgency struggle against Irish Republicanism and Nationalism. As a
consequence of this war against the democratic wishes or aspirations of the
Irish people the RIC maintained a vast network of paid spies and informers
throughout Irish society. Dublin Castle, the formal seat of British colonial rule
for centuries, was regarded as the spider at the centre of the RIC web that
stretched across the entire island of Ireland, one that was feared, loathed and
hated. Throughout Ireland and especially during the Land War, 1879-1882,
thousands of Irish families were evicted from their homes by the RIC as their
land was seized by mostly absentee British colonial landlords.
By 1900 the R.I.C. had about 11,000 men (70% of whom were
Catholic) and about 17% were Irish speakers. Republicanism was beginning to reorganise
at this time which saw the founding of the Irish Volunteers and the Irish
Citizen Army alongside the IRB which culminated in the 1916 Easter Rising.
After the Leaders of the Rising were executed public opinion turned
dramatically which saw a landslide victory for Republicans in the 1918 General
Election who then in January 1919 set up Dail Eireann. Dail Eireann was
declared illegal by the British Government and the RIC began an intensive
campaign of harassment and arrests. With public support behind them the IRA
waged an intensive guerrilla war that began with the Soloheadbeg ambush of two
RIC men.
By the end of May 1920, 351 evacuated RIC barracks were
destroyed, 105 damaged, 15 occupied barracks were destroyed and 25 damaged, 19
Coastguard stations and lighthouses were raided for explosives and signalling
equipment, 66 RIC and 5 British Soldiers were killed. With the general public
against them and men resigning at a rate of 200 per month from a force of 9,500
the RIC were under massive pressure. To reinforce the much reduced and
demoralised RIC the British Government recruited returned World War I veterans
from English and Scottish cities. They were sent to Ireland in 1920, to form a
reserve unit which became known as the "Black and Tans".
The British Government decided that the Irish situation was
a police problem and not one for the military, and so the decision was made to
form auxiliary police units to bolster the RIC. A separate unit was formed
under Brigadier General Frank Crozier, an ex-UVF member. Eventually 9,500 men
had joined. Such was the influx of recruits from Britain that uniforms became
scarce giving them the nickname "Black and Tans" from the colour of
the improvised khaki uniforms they initially wore. The “Black and Tans” embarked
on a reign of terror on the general public throughout Ireland by killing,
torturing, burning and looting. Cork city, Ballbriggan and Lisburn were burned
and looted by the “Tans,” summary executions of IRA suspects were common.
In 1920 the British Government sent a squad of men to Dublin
to conduct an intelligence operation against the IRA. These men were trained by
British intelligence and worked as members of the RIC’s Intelligence Branch.
This group became known as the Cairo Gang or the Murder Gang. In November 1920
after the IRA had executed 14 of these from Dublin Castle the Black and Tans
entered Croke Park, Dublin and opened fire indiscriminately on the crowd who
were watching a football match killing 12 people. Britain’s war in Ireland was
intensified. In Belfast another Murder Gang known as the Cromwell Gang,
targeted Republicans. This murder squad was under the direction of first, C.I.
Harrison, and then D.I. Nixon. They were involved in the brutal murder of
Republicans in their homes. They were also involved in some of the worst
atrocities at the time like the murder of the McMahon family and the Arnon
Street Massacre.
A Protestant Police for a Protestant State
In the spring of 1920 a small number of Loyalist leaders,
including Colonel Crawford, who had organised the UVF Larne Gun-Running in
1914, began to organise armed groups of Loyalist vigilantes. Edward Carson
began to reorganise the UVF. At a time of serious rioting and anti-Catholic
pogroms following the Orange marches of July 1920 the British Government
decided to raise a local militia in the north. More and more ex-UVF units began
drilling in the summer of 1920, and finally, in October the British Government
formed the Ulster Special Constabulary. Ex-UVF members enrolled in large numbers.
Many of the B-Special Commanders had been UVF organisers in the same area.
The USC was divided into three groups: the A-Specials, who
were full time and were used to reinforce the RIC; the B-Specials, who were
fully armed but part-time and were used for local patrol duty; and the
C-Specials, who had no regular duties but could be quickly mobilised. At the
end of 1921 the six county Unionist government assumed control over the
Specials, and saw in them as the ideal Loyalist force to defend the new state.
By June 1922 the USC was about 50,000 strong. The Specials were kept mobilised
to patrol the border.
After the ceasefire in July 1921 which gave way to
negotiations between the Irish and the British a treaty was signed, this
brought about the Partitioning of Ireland. Following the partition of Ireland
it was decided to disband the RIC as an all-Ireland police force. In southern
Ireland a new police force, the Civic Guard later to become Garda Siochana was
formed, while in the six counties of north east Ireland the Royal Ulster
Constabulary (RUC) was formed on 1 June 1922 as Britain’s police force for the
six counties. The RUC carried much over from the former force of RIC men (over
50% of the new force’s 3,000 strength comprised ex-RIC men), the same rank
structure, uniform and terms and conditions of service.
In 1925, when the Boundary issue was settled with the Free
State Government, the A and C-Specials were disbanded and the B-Specials were
retained. Many of the A-Specials joined the RUC, which constituted about half
of the RUC. In 1926 the firearms act was amended to enable most of the former C-Specials
to keep their guns.
At the peak of sectarian Riots in 1922 the six county
Unionist government introduced the Civil Authorities Act (The Special Powers Act).
It was intended to last for one year, but it was renewed annually until 1928,
then for a period of five years, and in 1933 it was made permanent. The Act
allowed for internment without trial, enter and search homes without a warrant,
declare a curfew, prohibition of public meetings, processions and
organisations, permit punishment by flogging, arrest persons as witnesses,
force them to answer questions, even if answers may incriminate them - such a
person is guilty if he refuses to answer a question - prevent access of
relatives or legal advisers to a person interned, prohibit the holding of an
inquest after a prisoner’s death, the banning of literature (including
newspapers). The Act also gave the six county Unionist minister the power to
make further regulations, each with the force of a new law, without consulting
parliament, and to delegate his powers to any policeman.
When James Craig, later Lord Craigavon, infamously coined
the phrase that it was a "Protestant parliament for a Protestant
people" it was clear that the draconian Special Powers Act was designed to
do one thing, for a Unionist Government to torture and suppress the Nationalist
People of the six counties. Throughout the 30s, 40s, and 50s the B-Specials
remained one of the key weapons alongside the RUC in the armoury of the six
county Unionist government. They were used to instil fear into the Nationalist
People. The B-Specials were mobilised during the IRA’s Border Campaign because
of their local knowledge of towns and villages in which they patrolled the
border areas.
In the mid 1960s when the Civil Rights Movement began to
demand reform of the sectarian bigoted Unionist Stormont government, the
B-Specials were mobilised to suppress it. This culminated in the attack on a
Civil Rights March in Derry in October 1968. Further attacks occurred in
January in Burntollet. In April the RUC entered the Bogside, beating people in
their homes. One man later died. Also attacks in Dungiven and Dungannon in
August. The Order for the full mobilisation of the B-Specials at the height of
events in Derry in August 1969 produced waves of panic amongst the Catholic
population, and an increased determination to hold out behind their barricades.
At Armagh on the night of August 14th the B-Specials fired into a crowd and killed
a man. The Cameron Commission in September called them, ‘a partisan and
paramilitary force’ and the Hunt Report on the RUC in October unequivocally
proposed the disbandment of the Specials.
In Belfast in August 1969 Loyalist mobs facilitated and supported
by the RUC and B-Specials attacked Nationalist areas. In the Falls area they
attempted to burn down Clonard monastery only to be prevented by a small number
of IRA Volunteers who also defended St Peters Cathedral from St Comgall’s
School by Loyalist attack. The response of the RUC was to race into the Falls
area in armoured cars firing heavy browning machineguns at the local civilian
population, killing two people including a nine year old boy. In 1969 eight out
of the first nine people were killed by the RUC/Specials. The north exploded
and with the RUC and the B-Specials exhausted, the British Government sent the
British Army onto the streets to relieve them.
In October 1969 after a long sectarian and brutal history
the B-Specials were disbanded to make way for a new sectarian militia. In
November the British Government produced a Bill to begin the process of
establishing a new local part-time armed militia called the Ulster Defence
Regiment (UDR). The UDR was formed on January 1st 1970 and many former Specials
joined. Brit G.O.C. Ian Freeland sent a message to the Specials “You have done
magnificently and will continue to do so up to the moment the force stands
down. You have acted always, and will act to the last, as a loyal and
disciplined force of patriotic Ulstermen” The UDR’s role was to support the
British Army in protecting the border and the six county state, but the UDR
like its predecessor became just another sectarian partisan force. After early
attempts by constitutional Nationalist political parties to encourage Catholics
to join, it was soon clear what the UDR were, with overlapping and dual
membership with Loyalist groups and hundreds of UDR weapons ending up in
Loyalist groups. 18 UDR members were convicted of murder and 11 for manslaughter.
Between 1970 and 1985, 99 were convicted of assault, whilst others were
convicted of armed robbery, weapons offences, bombings, intimidation and
attacks on Catholics, kidnapping, and membership of the UVF.
Collusion with Loyalist Murder Gangs and ‘Shoot to Kill.'
In the six counties citizens are compelled under emergency
legislation and at the point of British guns to provide details about
themselves. The details relating to Nationalists and Republicans are
computerised, filed and thousands of such files have been handed over to
loyalist murder gangs by serving members of the Royal Ulster Constabulary and
British Army.
During the 1970s the RUC were involved in collusion with
Loyalist death squads in the murder of Irish citizens. In one such example former
British soldier Ginger Baker was sentenced to 25 years imprisonment for killing
4 Catholics in the early 70s. Baker has consistently claimed that RUC members
drove weapons through checkpoints, regularly gave RUC files to the UDA and
tipped off loyalists to prevent the seizure of their weapons.
In the mid 1970s Britain decided to adapt a long-term war in
Ireland in a three-part strategy in the six counties known as ‘Ulsterisation’,
'Criminalisation' and Normalisation. This was meant to avoid any acknowledgement
of political motivation and nature of the war and was partly motivated to
change perceptions of the war from a colonial war to that of a campaign against
criminal gangs. It was also to disengage the non-Ulster regiments of the
British Army as much as possible from the six counties and replace them with
members of the locally recruited Royal Ulster Constabulary and Ulster Defence
Regiment. The objective of this policy was to confine the war to the six
counties.
During the 1970s The RUC were involved in the arrest and
torture of Nationalists and Republicans in holding centres across the six
counties. The torture included both mental and physical maltreatment. Physical
methods included: beatings, attempted strangulation, pressure to sensitive points
of the body, bending of limbs, prolonged standing or squatting in awkward
positions, prolonged physical exercises, and burning with cigarettes. Mental
pressures included: prolonged oppressive questioning by teams, threats of death
and of imprisonment, and threats to the family of the suspect, stripping, and
verbal abuse and humiliation.
Many of the tortures that took place referred to the
Castlereagh Centre, Springfield Road RUC Station, Belfast; Cookstown,
Coalisland, Dungannon, and Lurgan RUC Stations, also Strand Road RUC Station,
Derry and Gough Barracks in Armagh.
In 1979 the RUC established an undercover unit known as E4A,
which were trained by the SAS. This unit was to adopt a ‘shoot to kill’ policy
in the six counties. In 1982 this unit killed six unarmed people in Armagh
which sparked off the Stalker Inquiry. In a court case which followed,
Britain’s Attorney General in the 6 counties, Sir Patrick Mayhew, had prevented
prosecution arising out of the Stalker inquiry into shoot-to-kill by issuing
Public Interest Immunity Certificates. During the 1970s the British Army took
on the role of the RUC as being the primary group to patrol Nationalist areas,
between 1973 and 1979 the RUC killed five people (two of them being British
Army who were killed by mistake). When the RUC were introduced more into
Nationalist areas from 1980 that statistic was to change dramatically. Between
1980 and 1986 the RUC killed 24 people.
In 1981 a British intelligence document (The Walker Report)
claimed that RUC Special Branch was given control over policing and had
impunity in its dirty war against Republicans. The leaked document was authored
by Patrick Walker, reportedly then deputy head of MI5’s Belfast station and
later MI5 Director General. This report confirms a high level policy that
priority was to be given to RUC Special Branch over the rest of the RUC. It
also claimed that records should be destroyed after operations and Special
Branch should not distribute all information to Criminal Investigations
Detectives (CID). It also confirms that CID should require permission from
Special Branch before making arrests, or carrying out house searches in case
agents were endangered. This policy protected agents and informers who were
involved in killings. This can explain the high levels of collusion between
Britain and Loyalist death squads in the murder of Irish citizens. If Special
Branch was running the RUC then was MI5 running Special Branch?
There have been several inquiries into collusion and related
matters which have had a substantive focus on covert policing, these include
the Stevens inquiries, the Collusion Inquiry Reports by Judge Cory and the
investigation reports by the Ombudsman into collusion by RUC Special Branch
within an area of north Belfast (Operation Ballast). All of these exposed
reoccurring practices. John Stevens led three inquiries over a fourteen year
period into the collusion between the RUC and Loyalist murder gangs (only the
summary of the third inquiry has been published). After the third inquiry
Stevens reported that:
**My Enquiries have highlighted collusion, the wilful
failure to keep records, the absence of accountability, the withholding of
intelligence and evidence, and the extreme of agents being involved in murder.
These serious acts and omissions have meant that people have been killed or
seriously injured.
Not a single member of the RUC - the primary source for
security and intelligence documents - was charged as a result of these
Inquiries.
MI5 Takes The Lead on British Policing In Ireland
In April 1998 the Good Friday Agreement was signed by the
political parties in Stormont and the Patten Report was introduced, this
included the changing of the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) name into the
Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI). This report recommended that its
principles should apply to all areas of policing including that of covert
policing. This would have an independent police complaints (Ombudsman) and an
independent police authority (Policing Board) as well as local council based
District Policing Partnerships. This was supposed to ‘bring an end to the
Nationalist nightmare’ and bring about a new era of policing. In 2005 the
Historical Enquiries Team was established to investigate 3,269 unsolved
killings. As part of the PSNI and answerable only to the PSNI Chief Constable,
this investigative body is far from independent and just a continuation of the
state investigating themselves.
In 2006 the St. Andrews Agreement was accepted by all the
political parties in the six counties. Within this agreement the British
Government set out “future national security arrangements for the six counties.”
This effectively gave MI5 primacy over the intelligence of the PSNI from
October 2007. This was to continue covert policing in the hands of the British
and prevent any local scrutiny in the six counties. The PSNI Chief Constable
Hugh Orde said that MI5 would only focus on Republicans and not Loyalists.
Covert policing was now ring fenced outside any scrutiny that was promised in
the Patten Report such as the Ombudsman, policing board and district policing
partnerships. This move was to formalise the role of MI5 which was previously
undeclared up until this point. MI5 has constructed an extensive regional
headquarters building in Palace Barracks outside Belfast (known as Loughside)
which is second only in capacity to its London headquarters located in Thames
House. MI5 were now running the show and the PSNI would now play a subordinate
role.
Covert Policing includes “interception, surveillance, informants
and undercover operations.” The Regulation of Investigatory Powers Act (RIPA)
2000 was passed in the House of Commons and has been amended with additions
several times up to 2010. RIPA includes the interception of communications, the
acquisition and disclosure of data relating to communications, the carrying out
of surveillance, and the use of agents and informants. Human Rights and Privacy
Groups have been very critical of RIPA. These powers can be carried out by MI5
and the PSNI under the authorisation of the British Secretary of State which
can both be written or verbal. They can also be used in the interests of
‘National Security’ which means no-one in the six counties can have any
accountability over its use.
In 2010 Policing and Justice Powers were devolved to
Stormont but it is clear that “National Security Powers” are in fact retained
and controlled by the Northern Ireland Office (NIO). In 2011 it emerged that
the 49 cases of RUC killings cannot be investigated by either the H.E.T. or the
Ombudsman. The appointment of the Ombudsman comes under the control of the NIO
which exposes the lack of its independence and in relation to inquiries into
covert policing it has to comply with RIPA. For any inquiries into covert
policing the British Parliament passed the Inquiries Act 2005 which means it is
highly unlikely that there will ever be independent inquiries in the future.
In 2013 it emerged, that over 1,000 former RUC officers who
had received severance packages under the Patten reforms which amounted to a
total cost of £500m have been rehired into key sensitive positions within the
PSNI. 256 former RUC were rehired within three months 127 within a month, 54
within a week, and 21 were back within a day. Also some members were rehired
into the C3 Intelligence Branch which succeeded Special Branch. During the G8
and riots in the summer of 2013 the PSNI was bolstered by several thousand
temporary recruits from Britain, a recurring theme over the last 200 years when
Britain’s Police force in Ireland comes under pressure.
We are constantly being told to embrace the new institutions
in Stormont and that we live in a new era of peace, democracy and shared space
but the evidence would clearly tell us otherwise. The continuation of the old
and the introduction of new draconian legislation of Diplock Courts, Inquiries
Act, MI5 Primacy, Non Independent investigative bodies, Republican POW
licences: also the use of draconian laws of Stop and Search, 28 Day Detention,
and also RIPA powers of surveillance i.e. undercover agents and informants and
interception of communications on the general public through telephones,
computers, websites, emails etc. There is also the use of Internment by remand,
secret evidence and the revoking of prisoner licences. Also the families of
state killings have been constantly lead up the garden path with no hope
getting truth and justice.
All of this blows a hole in the myth of shared space and
peace and democracy. The promise of a new beginning to policing seems as far
away a possible with no accountability or scrutiny. It just seems that British
Policing in Ireland can act with impunity. For Nationalists to participate in
either of the PSNI, Policing Board, DPPs and the British Judicial System in
Ireland just lends credibility to a corrupt and unjust British system and also
helps disguises the partisan nature of political policing in Ireland.
So, for the 200 years of British political policing in
Ireland where Irish Citizens have been subjected to a British controlled force
within a force, little has changed. The partisan British PSNI in the six
counties are here to uphold the union with Britain. The British Police State
looks to continue for the foreseeable future.
'Around 70% of the Irish Constabulary were Catholics, like their neighbours, and this often led to confrontations between them'
ReplyDeleteThink it's significant the percentage of RCs in the ranks. The RIC was a 'way out' for 2nd sons who were not going to inherit the farm and who didn't fancy America at a time when there were very few who ever returned from it. They also assisted with reading and writing letters for a largely illiterate population and with legal forms etc. What let to confrontation was when 'advanced' nationalists began mobilizing effectively post famine and radicalised the population. And no wonder!
The general population it should be remembered, was much more interested in land reform than independence, hence Parnel and the fenians dreaming up the 'new departure'. Parnel for parliamentary party politics at Westminster and the fenians because they knew they'd never build up enough revolutionary steam politically without the land issue to get anywhere near the finish line let alone mind across it!
The RIC for it's part wasn't all bad. Don't forget the spys in the Castle like Broy and David Nelligan. The English found it extremely difficult to rule Ireland as they find it difficult to trust Afghan policemen today. So it isn't as simple as an 'enemy' situation or a totally black and white issue.
No point going into the RUC/UVF because that is pretty much self explanatory. But a very good and enjoyable read.
n I add that London in it's expansion to empire used Ireland as a test laboratory for many things including Derry's Walls which assisted them in their leap to Virginia and the new world. So it was with policing. However, blinkered political vision and falling endlessly into the poor Irish mind-set is not an accurate position. If we look at groups like the luddites who were wrecking factory machines in England in an workers attempt to save jobs we can see 15 were hung without a second thought and became the toll puddle martyrs. Also the police in England were very heavily deployed when the Chartists were on the go, not to mention the more recent miners strikes in the 1980s. So, it's important not to see the RIC as a British weapon against Irish people, a weapon they would not deploy against their own. Just saying, there's a bigger picture.
ReplyDeleteRicky,
ReplyDeleteThis is a brilliant read.
It's great that it was recommend as it is so informative as well as relevant.
While this account is factually correct, there is a complete absence of any balance, as Larry has shown.
ReplyDeleteWas there no special branch in England, were the English police never armed, and did the working class in England have the life of Riley?
This reminds me of something that happened to a close friend of mine who was a teacher in a pretty tough school in London. One of her pupils was always bullying his classmates, especially those whose parents were from Pakistan. When this teacher challenged him one day and accused him of being racist he replied, "You're the racist miss, how can I be racist, I'm black?
We all know that there was discrimination in Ireland, but putting a totally unbalanced case can often be self-defeating.
I have a little story to add here. In February 1998 i.e. 2 months before the signing of the GFA, I took a little deputation of Lord Raymond Hylton, Canon Nicholas Frayling and Mgr Raymond Murray to meet Chief Constable Ronnie Flanagan to discuss the RUC's continued firing of thousands of plastic bullets each year during the marching season. I stayed with a friend in W. Belfast before our meeting, and the day before we both went to a local hairdressers near Glen Road. While we were seated having our hair done together with another customer, the three of us saw a reflection in the mirror of two tall, good-looking RUC officers entering the premises through the door hehind us. One of them asked: "Which of you Fenian whores knows Paddy ......? Stunned, I glanced at my friend in the mirror and she rolled her eyes while the third customer woman having her hair done looked steadfastly into the mirror.
ReplyDeleteOne had read this was the language used by the RUC in Nationalist areas but one had to hear it to believe it. I took off the cape around my shoulders stood up, faced the officers, and said : "Would you please give me your names and numbers? (No metal numbers were visible on their uniforms.) I shall be meeting Chief Constable Flanagan tomorrow morning and shall discuss this incident with him". Well, it was clear that neither of the men had expected to hear a received English voice on the Falls Road and in the bat of an eyelid dashed out of hair-dressers in. I did not mention the incident to the Chief Constable the nest day because we were there on a more pressing matter. For years I had been logging the number of PBRs fired in NI and in which areas. In 1997 the number of PBRs fired across NI was over 8,500, an eye-watering number for crowd control so I decided something had to be done. My deputation were interested to learn that later that year the number of PBRs fired fell to under 100. What is more, during our meeting Canon Frayling had asked Mr Flanagan why the RUC didn't use water cannon and Mr Flanagan had said he didn't have any. That year he leased water cannon from the Belgians. Shortly afterwards, Canon Frayling became the Dean of Chichester Cathedral from which post he has just retired.