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Ukraine Solidarity Group ✊ A Digest of News from Ukrainian Sources ⚔  26-October-2026.

In this week’s bulletin

⬤ International Solidarity Convoy to Ukraine
⬤ Putin: no humanitarian.
⬤ Reports on rights.
⬤ Evidence of Russian torture and abduction of children.
⬤ Billions in untraceable Russian cash.

News from the territories occupied by Russia

Russian court passes 18-year death sentence against 77-year-old Ukrainian political prisoner Volodymyr Ananiev (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, October 23rd)

Gravely ill political prisoner Lenur Khalilov ordered to die in pain in a Russian prison (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, October 23rd)

10-year-old girl whose mother died abducted from Kostiantynivka and handed over to "uncle" in Russia (Ukrainska Pravda, October 23rd)

“Building Connections, Fostering Trust and Finding Solutions”: Key Takeaways from the Fourth International Crimea Global Conference (Crimea Platform, October 23rd)

The face of resistance: The story of political prisoner Ekrem Krosh (Crimea Platform, October 23rd)

77-year-old Volodymyr Ananiev gets 18-year “death sentence” (Mediazona, 23 October)

15-19-year sentences in Russia's savage reprisal for Crimean Solidarity human rights activism (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, October 22nd)

Russian FSB abduct Ukrainian on 'spying' charges when sentence for social media comment proved too short (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, October 21st)

Crimea Global conference showcased exhibitions on the consequences of Russian aggression, unlawful detention and resistance in Crimea (Crimea Platform, October 21st)

Weekly update on the situation in occupied Crimea (Crimea Platform, October 21st)

Young Melitopol man sentenced to 14 years for donating 10 euros to Ukraine’s Armed Forces (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, October 20th)

Four Ukrainians sentenced to 25 years or life for partisan resistance after Russian ‘torture so bad you’d confess to anything’ (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, October 19th)

Russia is putting Crimean Anatoliy Kobzar’s life in danger over two years after his brazen abduction (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, October 19th)

Progress of the war

Starlink speed restrictions still in force (Meduza, 23 October)

Marxist fighters in the Ukrainian resistance (International Workers League-FI, October 18th)

Civilian casualties remain at record levels (Facebook, October 17th)

News from Ukraine

Kyiv's power ring under attack: why the capital faces a winter of blackouts (Ukrainska Pravda, October 24th)

270 Ukrainians Freed from Russian Captivity, Nearly a Third Convicted in Russia (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, October 23rd)

Pen pushers help keep Ukraine’s lights on (Centre for European Policy Analysis, 21 October)

What does resilience look like in the country’s education system? (Cedos, October 19th)

War-related news from Russia

Network Case Defendant Vasily Kuksov Released from Prison (Russian Reader, October 24th)

Russian paper paints Ukraine as aggressor, Europe as victim (The Russian Reader, 23 October)

Putin’s “Doppelgängers”: The Insider gets inside the operations of the Kremlin's foreign disinformation network (The Insider, October 21st)

Butter melted down to guns: Russia again cuts social spend to pay for war (The Insider, 21 October)

Russia turns on its scientists (Mediazona, 20 October)

Russia jails severely ill Ukrainian pensioner (Mediazona, 19 October)

Comment and analysis

Oil-covered seas: can war damage to ecosystems be reduced (Ukraine War Environmental Consequences Work Group, 23 October)

An unofficial peace bid, and how it fell apart (Meduza, 23 October)

Putin Is No Humanitarian (Anti-capitalist musings, October 22nd)

Condemn assault on Ukrainian scholar Vladyslav Starodubtsev (Change.org, October 21st)

Countering the Predator: How to Stop Russia Recruiting Foreigners (Crimea Platform, October 19th)

Research of human rights abuses

The Lawyers Who Record a War: The Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group (Tribunal for Putin, October 23rd)

Ensuring history does not disappear: what data are needed for documenting the criminal (Tribunal for Putin, October 23rd)

Prisoners' rights in Ukraine: Chronic problems (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, 24 October)

Constitutional human rights and the Russian-Ukrainian war (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, October 24th)

ZMINA joined discussion on supporting people affected by war at Tochka Skhodu forum in Kyiv (Zmina, October 22nd)

Shadow Report 2026: ZMINA took part in presenting an independent assessment of Ukraine’s progress on human rights on its path to EU accession (Zmina, October 21st)

Security, democracy, Russian recruitment, the pursuit of justice and AI: What was discussed at Crimea Global 2026 (Zmina, October 20th)

International solidarity

‘With the International Solidarity Convoy to Ukraine, we are rebuilding internationalism’ (Links, October 22nd)

Major winter fundraiser: for autonomous power, heaters and gear (Solidarity Collectives, October)

Also not to be missed

Mali: Army, Russia’s ‘Africa Corps’ Commit New Abuses (Human Rights Watch, October 22nd)

Kremlin payment firm A7 has been pumping billions in ‘untraceable’ cash into global financial system (International Consortium of Investigative Journalists, October 21st)

The Traitor (The Russian Reader, 20 October)

Upcoming events:

Thursday 5 November, 6.0pm, on zoom: Reclaiming Crimean Tatar subjectivity under occupation, organised by UCU Members for Ukraine & Ukraine Solidarity Campaign. Details here.

Friday 13 November, 6.0pm, on zoom: The US midterms, Ukraine and the fight against fascism. Speakers: Tanya Vyhovsky, Vermont State Senator (Progressive / Democratic), Dylan Burns, journalist, streamer and founder of Track Ukraine. Details here.
đź”´This bulletin is put together by labour movement activists in solidarity with Ukrainian resistance. More information at Ukraine Information Group.

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News From Ukraine đź’Ł Bulletin 218

Friendly Atheist ★ The verdict holds Paul Mackenzie and 28 associates responsible for deaths tied to a promise of meeting Jesus through fasting.

Paul ⁠⁠Mackenzie, a Kenyan cult leader who told members they would meet Jesus after starving themselves to death, was found guilty of murdering 191 people.

190 of his victims were kids.

When the story first broke in 2023, the headlines were horrific. 90 bodies were found in shallow graves, with the death toll getting higher with each passing day.

The victims were all members of the Good News International Church, led by Paul Mackenzie Nthenge. Police began looking into the graves after receiving a tip that the bodies were buried in the eastern part of the country.

Mackenzie was arrested by police on April 14, 2023, shouting “Praise Jesus” as he was escorted away. The televangelist began his church in 2003 and soon became a lightning rod for controversy, mostly because he had a habit of urging members to dissociate from the rest of the world. He told members to quit school, leave their jobs, stop eating “worldly food,” refuse medical treatment, and destroy their government documents (like IDs and birth certificates). 

Continue @ Friendly Atheist.

Kenyan Starvation Cult Leader Paul Mackenzie Convicted In Deaths Of 191 People

Merrion Press đź”– has published a new book by John S. Doyle.




SALT WIND, RISING WATER
Planting a Wood on Ireland's Wild Atlantic Coast

John S. Doyle



‘We started off, my wife Anne and I, with a big field, bare except for grass and rushes and, along one ditch, a couple of old elder trees, and at the end a big willow bush, probably marking a division of land. Thirty years later it is a wood, a garden, with an orchard of apples and soft fruit, and it is full of birdsong. The work of many hands has gone into making it: some hands have been directly laid on; a great many other people provided inspiration.’

Salt Wind, Rising Water is a gentle ode to nature and a captivating account of how two Dubliners transformed two wild, windswept acres on Sligo’s north coast into a thriving wood, orchard, and garden. Over thirty years, John S. Doyle and his family were welcomed into a vibrant community of writers, painters, and small farmers who encouraged their vision and shared in their journey.

Battling harsh winters, salt-laden winds and dramatic storms, the couple learned resilience, patience, and the hard-earned rewards of working with the land. A unique blend of nature writing, memoir, and practical guidance, this is a story of cultivating beauty, nurturing community, and discovering the quiet magic of helping a place take root.

Paperback • €18.99|£17.99 • 248pages • 215mm x 135mm • 9781785375927
Get your copy

About The Author



John S. Doyle is a journalist and presents ‘It Says in the Papers’ on Morning Ireland on RTÉ Radio 1. He was the founder of In Dublin, the arts and current affairs magazine which flourished in the 1970s and 1980s and uncovered the talents of such writers as Colm TĂłibĂ­n and Fintan O’Toole.

Out Now đź“š John S. Doyle

Right Wing Watch đź‘€Written by Peter Montgomery.


The Washington Stand, the Family Research Council’s “outlet for news and commentary from a biblical worldview,” published a commentary Wednesday from Kansas pastor Kyle Lammott that reveals what FRC and its allies mean by a “biblical worldview.” It appears to be a lightly edited version of remarks Lammott made last Sunday at an event with FRC President Tony Perkins and dominionist New Apostolic Reformation figure Jim Garlow.

Lammott’s Exodus Church in Wichita is a member of the Communion of Reformed Evangelical Churches, a network founded by hard-right Christian nationalist and Pete Hegseth spiritual mentor Doug Wilson.

Lammott is an example of religious-right leaders’ habit of demeaning the faith of Christians who don’t share their religious and political worldview. He wrote an open letter attacking Democratic Senate candidate Adam Hamilton, pastor of the largest United Methodist church in the country, and calling on him to drop out of the Senate race “rather than carry the name of Christ into an office you intend to use to mock God by shielding those who desire the blood of the innocent.”

In his Washington Stand commentary, Lammott cites the biblical book of Revelation . . . 
 
Continue @ RWW.

FRC Commentary 🪶Church Must Bring ‘Crown Rights Of King Jesus’ Over ‘Every Sphere Of Society’

Lynx By Ten To The Power Of Two Thousand One Hundred And Forty

 

A Morning Thought @ 3311

 


Pastords @ 68

Anthony McIntyre ☠  Up until Benjamin Netanyahu, who has held the position for a total of thirteen years, Israel's longest serving Prime minister was its first, David Ben-Gurion. 

He too was a mass murderer responsible for the Nakba of 1948, described as follows by Middle East Eye:

In a premeditated military campaign, Zionist forces killed thousands of Palestinians, destroyed hundreds of villages and forcibly expelled 80 percent of the Palestinian population from their homeland. After more than a year of relentless violence, the newly created State of Israel captured 78 percent of historic Palestine. The remaining 22 percent, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, were occupied by Israel 19 years later and remain under Israeli military rule. 

This week's elections in Israel saw two prominent Kapo leaders Benjamin Netanyahu and Gadi Eisenkot battle it out with each other for primacy. For victims of Israel atrocity the electoral battle must appear as something akin to Hitler versus Himmler for the leadership of Nazi Germany. Not much hope could have emerged from that for Jews trapped in Nazi talons, where the left claw will rip and tear children apart as readily and as mercilessly as the right.

Honesty and Netanyahu are not mutual concepts. They repel each other. Yet, the New Arab usefully identified an element of honesty in its observation: 

Netanyahu and the parties to his right are the most honest expression of the Israeli state: a state founded on ethnic cleansing and sustained through racism, apartheid, and genocide. Others dress this reality in the language of democracy, coexistence, and peace. Netanyahu does not bother.

Those holding out hope that Eisenkot will change much need not hold their breath. Leader of the so called centrist party, Yashar, he is a former chief of staff of the Israeli Army. When chief of Northern Command in Lebanon in 2006, he formulated the Dahiya Doctrine, named after a Beirut suburb destroyed by the Israel Occupation Forces, killing over a thousand civilians. The IDF lust for child murder ensured that the youngest were not spared. Over a third of those killed were children. If there is anything the Israelis genuinely believe from the Hebrew Bible, the Torah, it is the Passover where the firstborn of Egyptian families were murdered. A cruel good for a cruel people.

Eisenkot's accusers had no need to spell out the barbaric strategic logic behind the Dahiya doctrine, he did it himself:

What happened in the Dahiya quarter of Beirut in 2006 will happen in every village from which Israel is fired on . . .We will apply disproportionate force on it (village) and cause great damage and destruction there. From our standpoint, these are not civilian villages, they are military bases . . . This is not a recommendation. This is a plan. And it has been approved.

The outstanding Israeli journalist Gideon Levy days before the election warned that if Netanyahu were to win it would be disastrous. Yet, there is nothing to suggest that defeat for Netanyahu would result in a situation that would be in any way less disastrous,  or substantively different from what currently exists. 

Little can change as a result of an election in which:

over 77% of Israelis voted for right-wing and far-right parties, around 15%, largely Palestinian citizens of Israel, backed the Arab parties, and just 6.51% voted for the Zionist left.

What the election will do if Netanyahu is replaced as Prime Minister is give many in the West an opportunity to look away That includes our own government which seems hyper-aware of the truism that it is hard to get a government to see what is in front of its nose when staying within the cosy club depends on it not seeing what is in front of its nose.  

There is absolutely no reason for Drogheda Stands With Palestine or any of the other solidarity groups across the country to take the foot off the pedal if Eisenkot becomes Prime Minister of Kapo country.  The opposite is true. This government will use any opportunity to turn on Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza, treating them much the same as they have treated its students and young footballers seeking to come to Ireland while never once bothering itself to scrutinise IDF terrorists who can enter freely. The New Arab lays out concisely what any new regime offers.

Eisenkot and figures like him do not oppose the system so much as manage its image. Their objection to Ben-Gvir and Smotrich is not that Palestinian rights are being denied, but that the denial has become too visible, too crude and too damaging to Israel’s standing abroad.

We are standing here each week of the year, to ensure that Israel in this part of abroad has zero  standing.
 
⏩Follow on Bluesky.

No Standing

Geordie Morrow đź–Ś with a painting from his collection of art work.

Oil on canvas 16”x16”

⏩Geordie Morrow is a Belfast artist.

Who By Fire

Muiris Ă“ SĂşilleabháin ✍ There is a certain amount of justifiable schadenfreude in witnessing the fragmentation of the once-monolithic unionist bloc which, under various political guises, exercised power in the North from the foundation of the state.

The electoral dominance of a single unionist party has come to an end. As a republican I welcome the demise of any political monopoly on power. Yet there is a flipside to this development that many who aspire to Irish unity, including those who profess a commitment to an Irish republic, appear reluctant to confront.

It is now time to throw a few fragmentation grenades into the discourse.

Political unionism may be fragmenting, its traditional parties increasingly divided and competing for an electorate that no longer displays the unquestioning loyalty of previous generations, but this should not be mistaken for a corresponding decline in support for the Union. Nor, more importantly, has it translated into any sustained increase in support for Irish unity since the signing of the Good Friday Agreement in 1998.

And therein lies an awkward political reality that constitutional nationalism and republicanism alike have yet to acknowledge. Almost three decades after the Good Friday Agreement, the erosion of unionist electoral hegemony and the emergence of Sinn FĂ©in as the largest party in the North have failed to produce a demonstrable majority in favour of Irish unity. The political balance between parties has shifted considerably, but the constitutional position remains unchanged.

The fragmentation of political unionism may provide some understandable satisfaction to those old enough to remember the horrors of its former dominance, but mistaking the electoral decline of unionist parties with the constitutional decline of the Union is a dangerous exercise in political self-deception.

Political unionism seems incapable of doing anything other than plucking defeat from the jaws of victory. By reigniting the Drumcree debacle in 2026, Unionism has provided Sinn FĂ©in with an unexpected political lifeline. At a time when the party's electoral fortunes appeared to be waning, unionism has managed to breathe renewed vitality and optimism into its principal political opponent, restoring something of Sinn FĂ©in's standing within the Catholic, nationalist and republican community.

There can be little doubt that Michelle O'Neill is now well placed to return as First Minister following the May 2027 Assembly election, assuming, of course, that the Executive survives that long. And, remarkably, she probably has Jamie Bryson to thank for helping to reinvigorate her party during a period of political stagnation.

Indeed, when the history of the North is eventually written, I would not be in the least surprised to discover, in some wonderfully improbable twist of political satire, that Jamie had been recruited by the IRA as a sleeper agent. His extraordinary knack for leading unionism into one gut-reaction political cul-de-sac after another is astonishing. Were he deliberately attempting to advance Sinn FĂ©in's electoral fortunes, it is difficult to imagine how he could be any more effective.

The ultimate irony, however, is that while Bryson and his fellow travellers may be doing Sinn FĂ©in's electoral work for it, Sinn FĂ©in itself is doing precious little to advance the cause of Irish unity. The electoral fortunes of Sinn FĂ©in and the constitutional future of the North remain two very different questions; however enthusiastically constitutional republicans might wish to conflate them.

The Westminster Retreat

Sinn FĂ©in's decision to run several of its Westminster MPs as candidates in the 2027 Assembly election is, in my view, indicative of two significant developments within the party.

Firstly, there appears to be a belated recognition that dispatching some of its supposed political heavyweights to the Palace of Westminster has achieved precious little beyond securing the much-coveted financial resources. Secondly, and perhaps more importantly, it suggests an emerging appreciation that the political battleground upon which any future border poll will be won or lost is not Westminster, Dublin or the international diplomatic circuit, but the North itself.

Despite the triumphant rhetoric surrounding Michelle O'Neill's elevation to First Minister, Sinn FĂ©in's first period as the largest party in the Executive has been characterised by a conspicuous absence of political ambition or achievement.

I am told that an internal party review reached a similarly embarrassing conclusion, recognising both the limited political return from its Westminster operation and the increasingly obvious shortage of political talent within its Assembly team.

If that account is accurate, the decision to redeploy experienced Westminster figures to Stormont is more than routine electoral manoeuvring. It amounts to an acknowledgement that the party's much-celebrated electoral success has not been matched by its performance in governing the North.

Those shortcomings have been painfully apparent. The spectacle of Sinn FĂ©in ministers and MLAs being routinely wrong-footed by the likes of Phillip Brett, Jonathan Buckley and Timothy Gaston has hardly inspired confidence in a party that presents itself as the government-in-waiting in the South.

Whatever one's view of their politics, these otherwise underwhelming unionist representatives have demonstrated an ability to interrogate policy, expose inconsistencies and exploit the weaknesses of their partners in government, who frequently appear ill-equipped and unable to respond.

Similarly, the excruciatingly painful performance of Sinn FĂ©in's Assembly team has exposed a glaring absence of political talent. Its MLAs appear incapable of dissecting legislation, articulating coherent positions or subjecting political opponents to any meaningful scrutiny.

These shortcomings have been equally apparent among the party's ministers, where crude political messaging has too often been substituted for competence, and the ability to repeat a carefully rehearsed party position has been mistaken for the capacity to defend it.

These weaknesses have not gone unnoticed by the SDLP opposition under the leadership of Matthew O'Toole at Stormont. O'Toole has repeatedly demonstrated the value of detailed policy knowledge, effective scrutiny and the ability to construct an argument that extends beyond the familiar sectarian slogans.

In doing so, O'Toole has exposed one of Sinn FĂ©in's fundamental weaknesses: electoral dominance does not automatically confer political competence, and holding the office of First Minister is no substitute for effective political ambition.

Making History, But to What End?

Sinn FĂ©in has spent almost three decades confusing the acquisition of political office with the advancement of its once-republican objective.

Its core electoral message has scarcely evolved over 30 years. From its earliest electoral breakthroughs to its most recent campaigns, the appeal to voters remains essentially the same: make history by voting for Sinn FĂ©in. Vote for us or you will get them. Yet surely the more pertinent question is not whether voting for Sinn FĂ©in will make history, but what difference it will actually make.

When Chris Hazzard launched his Strangford campaign in the salubrious surroundings of the Montalto Estate, and when Sinn FĂ©in unveiled its four for West Belfast campaign in the publicly funded Ionad Eileen Howell, the well-worn electoral battle cry of making history was once again centre stage.

Consider Hazzard's candidacy in Strangford. If elected, what would he actually do differently from the incumbent Alliance Party MLA he hopes to displace? What distinctive policies would he advance, what improvements in public services would he deliver, and how would his election bring the achievement of an Irish Republic any closer?

Similarly, returning four Sinn FĂ©in MLAs in West Belfast would have precisely the same impact on the endemic child poverty, housing stress and unemployment that have plagued the constituency for generations as their previous electoral victories have had. Strip away the symbolism, the party branding and the bullshit historical rhetoric, and the answer is apparent: none whatsoever.

Sinn FĂ©in has become extraordinarily adept at presenting its own electoral advancement as a historic achievement in itself, and the electorate has, for now, bought into that premise. But the time will surely come when the party is asked to explain what tangible political or social change that advancement has actually delivered. Winning another seat, securing another ministry or returning another First Minister has become both the means and the end of its political strategy.

The electorate is no longer being asked to endorse a programme of fundamental societal transformation, but merely to participate in the continued electoral advancement of Sinn FĂ©in, with the vague assurance that history is somehow being made in the process.

The Constitutional Reckoning

Ultimately, the fragmentation of political unionism and the electoral resurgence of Sinn FĂ©in should not obscure the central political reality that neither bloc appears particularly capable of confronting.

Unionism, despite its seemingly limitless capacity for political self-destruction, continues to defend a constitutional position that retains the majority of public support. It has time to regroup, realign and discover a new generation of political leadership, even if that leadership eventually emerges across two or three parties. Unionism can continue to lose elections, surrender its political dominance and humiliate itself in one entirely avoidable confrontation after another, yet still retain the Union.

Sinn FĂ©in, meanwhile, does not have the same luxury of time. Having mastered the art of winning elections, it must now demonstrate that those victories can deliver the political change it has promised. The electorate in the North is politically astute, but it is also fickle, and electoral loyalty cannot be taken for granted indefinitely.

For all the triumphalism surrounding Michelle O'Neill's elevation to First Minister, the electoral arithmetic and the feverish rhetoric about an imminent border poll, Sinn FĂ©in has failed to deliver any fundamental political change.

Jamie Bryson may yet prove to have contributed more to Sinn FĂ©in's electoral fortunes than some of its own strategists, but what Bryson appears to overlook is that unionism can afford to squander political power while its constitutional objective remains secure.

There is, however, a mirror that Sinn FĂ©in seems equally unwilling to look into. Just as Bryson's antics may have helped reinvigorate the party's electoral fortunes, Sinn FĂ©in's own conduct at Drumcree, its belligerence in the aftermath and its apparent disregard for the institutions of the state, the rule of law and the police service it has pledged to support may yet have unintended electoral consequences.

The danger for Sinn FĂ©in is that its behaviour could provide the catalyst needed to draw the long-dormant garden-centre unionist back into the electoral fray. A section of the electorate that has grown weary of unionism's endless internal quarrels may discover a renewed political motivation, not through any great affection for the traditional unionist parties, but through opposition to Sinn FĂ©in's conduct.

Sinn FĂ©in cannot afford to squander the opportunities presented by unionism's self-inflicted decline, yet that is precisely what it has done. It has turned unionist political incompetence into Sinn FĂ©in electoral success, without translating that success into transformational societal change.

Having spent decades promising to end British rule in Ireland, Sinn FĂ©in has instead found itself with little option but to administer it. Whether the party has chosen to administer it badly, or simply lacks the competence to do otherwise, is a question worth asking.
 
⏩Muiris Ă“ SĂşilleabháin was a member of the Republican Movement until he retired in 2006 after 20 years of service. Fiche bhliain ag fás.

The Fragmentation Of Unionism And The Illusion Of Republican Progress

Lynx By Ten To The Power Of Two Thousand One Hundred And Thirty Nine

 

A Morning Thought @ 3310

GearĂłid Ă“ Loingsigh ☭ writing in Substack on 24-October-2026.


Photo GOL: African Palm workers Norte de Santander, Colombia

For a long time successive governments in Colombia have talked about solving the issue of illicit crops and drugs and each one promises to carry out the task and pulls from its sleeve its Ace, its magic bullet that kills the monster like the silver bullets in the horror films. But just like in those films the monster is not what it seems and the magical properties of the silver bullet are a folktale.

The problem partly lies with how they define the problem. The peasant, they say, grows coca because he is poor and coca is a profitable crop and so another profitable crop is required as an alternative. The peasant just simply grew the wrong crop and that is why he is poor. They completely ignore the economic aperture that destroyed the Colombian countryside. Even the first version, in English, of the US counter-insurgent and anti-narcotic project known officially as Plan Colombia acknowledged that in the 1990s 700,000 hectares of agricultural land were lost due to the economic aperture.[1]

Given the collapse of the countryside and the production of food the same project proposed that the peasants specialised in exotic crops for the European and US markets. Amongst the crops that stood out were coffee, African palm and cocoa. Though it should be said that prior to Plan Colombia the Samper government (1994-98) made the same proposal. Nothing is original, the proposals from various governments are almost identical, a copy and paste. They all plagiarise each other. Plagiarism is the basis of all policy on the countryside and drugs, regardless of the government, whether it be Uribe or Petro. They all plagiarise each other: the peasant has to be convinced or forced to change crops without any reference to free trade and the domination of the food production chain by a handful of companies.

They bet on a small number of crops that are already extensively planted in the country, such as coffee and cocoa. In 2001, 675,342 hectares of coffee were harvested producing 637,140 tonnes. In 2024, this had increased to 837,685 hectares with 839,846 tonnes. It reached its zenith in 2017 with 903,950 hectares and a harvest of 851,640 tonnes. In the case of cocoa the improvement was even more dramatic increasing from 83,138 hectares to 197,709 hectares with a corresponding rise in production from 36,731 tonnes to 67,678 tonnes.[2]

Despite this the coca crops and the production of cocaine also increased dramatically i.e. these crops and this model for resolving the coca problem did not work. Despite this, all governments talk alike when it comes to proposing a solution. Petro throughout his government spoke of promoting agroindustry, as if he were the first to think of it. In the election campaign, Iván Cepeda took up the baton and acknowledged the impact of neoliberal measures in the countryside and still stated that they want to “strengthen national production, industrialise the countryside, export foodstuffs with value added and create wealth for the nation and rural communities.”[3]

We will revive productive chains such as cotton, yucca, cocoa, coffee and corn articulating production, industrial transformation and commercialisation with value added in the regions. It is not about going back to the past, but rather of creating a new rural prosperity based on the modernisation of production, the creation of employment, the industrialisation of the countryside and economic justice for the peasant and rural communities.

We will plant crops according to the territorial vocation, water availability, productive calendars, technical support and agrifood health and safety. Will protect national production against contraband, unnecessary importations and commercial practices that destroy in-country capacities.[4]

It sounds nice. But the proposal is very similar to the Export Stake for Colombia 2006-2020 of the criminal and Uribe’s Minister for Agriculture, AndrĂ©s Felipe Arias.[5] They all mention that phrase “value added” without explaining what it means in practice and how they will go about it. For example, in the case of coffee value is added when it is roasted, ground and packaged. Except for some special coffees which the multinationals are also buying up, the coffee is roasted and packaged in Europe and the USA. What are they thinking of doing? Roasting it all in Colombia and exporting it?

The sale of coffee beans reached 52 billion US dollars in 2025 and Europe dominates the market.[6] The industry is undergoing a concentration into a few hands of the sale of green bean coffee. How are they going to face up to an entire industry? The green bean coffee industry is profitable partly due to the volume of material that it deals with. They are not going to tolerate an upstart in the market and the multinational companies and consumer countries are not going to tolerate a massive importation of roasted coffee to compete with their multinationals. Starbucks’ income is over 30 billion US dollars per year and NestlĂ© has sales of coffee in excess of 25 billion US dollars. Governments have been overthrown for less.

All of the Colombian governments have supported the coffee crop and market as it currently exists. Really, there is no need to revive coffee nor cocoa. They are going through their best period as regards crop extension. Not so with cotton. There are currently barely 13,000 hectares compared to 350,000 to 400,000 that existed in the 1970s. It entered in crisis in the 1970s, gave some signs of recovery in the 1980s before entering into its definitive decline following the economic aperture of President Gaviria (1990-94). International competition and the impact of the free trade agreements put the growers under pressure. Cepeda mentions the neoliberal measures, but does not say what they were and what he aims to do about them. For example, the use of certified seeds is now mandated. The peasant who seeks credit has to use them. He cannot use the same seeds he gets from the crop or traditional seeds etc. In practice many peasants have to buy these seeds which are produced by multinationals. It has been state policy for some time and the Colombian Agricultural Institute (ICA) and the Colombian Seed Association (Acosemillas) campaign in favour of their use referring to them as authorised seeds. The phrase is not accidental. Now under the new government of De La Espriella it was proposed that an electronic bill of purchase of authorised seeds be presented before loans and other benefits such as subsidies were awarded.[7]

Cepeda’s proposals do not break with the power structure in the countryside and he was open and explicit about it:

This proposal will go forward hand in hand with the agrifood industry that currently exists in the Colombian countryside, supporting it and integrating it into the national transformation of production.[8] 

That is to say, the same collection and distribution points and power structure in the countryside. He proposes to integrate the peasant further still into the agribusiness that currently exists. He states that he will strengthen production according to the zones, ideal crops etc. The same proposal as Felipe Arias as was pointed out earlier.

De La Espriella, for his part, took up the issue of cocoa and promises to expand the crop even more and to support the sector. He states that he reached an agreement with Fedcacaco “which foresees the planting of 50,000 hectares of cocoa where there are currently illicit crops.”[9] The same as before. The eternal plagiarism, though he undoubtedly aims to deepen the changes in the countryside and strengthen further still the power of the agricultural bourgeoisie.

The proposals for the countryside and to resolve the coca issue are always plagiarised, by one and all with slight variations and an untouchable backdrop: the domination by large scale national and international capital of the production of foodstuffs. However, the countryside requires a different solution. It requires a break with the past and the existing power structure in the countryside. It needs a proposal from the peasants. Unfortunately the peasant organisations frequently repeat their own takes on the variations of the plagiarists.

All of the harm done by neoliberalism cannot be undone from one day to the next, and less still when they don’t even mention neoliberalism and capitalism. All the governments seek to guarantee the neoliberal model and that the companies that benefit from it in the countryside remain. The peasant is poor precisely due to capitalism and the current neoliberal model. The debate can be dodged but the peasantry time and again runs up against the economic reality. Under capitalism it is fated to disappear and become rural workers as happened in Europe and the USA. The proposals from Samper, Uribe, Petro and Cepeda to promote agribusiness is a proposal to finish off the peasantry. They take advantage of the coca crops to push the peasantry into the claws of its enemy: the multinational food companies. Meanwhile the coca problem is not resolved because it is a lesser problem for capitalists.

References

[1] Plan Colombia (1999) Plan For Peace, Prosperity, And The Strengthening Of The State. P.9

[2] Figures taken from FAOSTAT.

[3] Cepeda, I. y QuilcuĂ©, A. (2026) Tres revoluciones para hacer de Colombia una potencia mundial de la vida. pp 71 & 72 

[4] IbĂ­d., p.74

[5] Min Agricultura (2006) Apuesta Exportadora de Colombia 2006-2020. 

[6] Fortune (07/09/2026) Coffee Beans Market Size. 

[7] El Tiempo (29/09/2026) Acosemillas propone exigir factura de compra para acceder a crĂ©ditos y subsidios del campo. MarĂ­a Alejandra Moreno FlĂłrez. 

[8] Cepeda, I. y Quilcué, A. (2026) op. cit. p.73

[9] La RazĂłn (17/07/2026) Gobierno electo acuerda con Fedecacao un plan para sembrar 50.000 hectáreas de cacao. 

⏩ GearĂłid Ă“ Loingsigh is a political and human rights activist with extensive experience in Latin America.

The Mirage Of “Resolving” The Coca Issue

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