Dixie Elliot ✊with a poem.

Volunteer Kevin Lynch


You Closed Your Weary Eyes On Life.

Long is the road that brought me here,
to this your place of rest.
A road not measured by distance,
but by each passing year.
Our paths last crossed in that dark place,
where wretched men dared to dream, my friend.
We dared to dream of better times,
but those dreams were often fleeting.
And the nightmare saw no end.
♞♜♝
I see the towering pine, where raucous crows disturb the serenity of thought.
And on the hill a standing stone;
a sentinel of the ages, of a time that time forgot.
They are now, as they had been
They are as you had known.
So too the ancient hawthorn,
gnarled with bitter age and bent.
I hear harp strings weep,
weeping in the gentle breeze.
It's blind Ruairí Dall Ó Catháin's
sad lament.
For his slain clann, and their stolen land.
Taken in blood by the foreigner's hand.
♞♜♝
After seventy-one days on hunger strike,
you closed your weary eyes on life.
With your family at your side.
And the H-Blocks fell silent,
As the news was passed in whispered words, from cell to cell.
And shouted from block to block.
Brave Volunteer Kevin Lynch has died.
♞♜♝
And over the ridges of the thief's peak,
Benbradagh, a lone Falcon soared high and free.
The thud of hurl striking sliotar echoed
down through the years.
Echoing memories of that day in '72.
When you led the boys of Derry to All-Ireland Victory.
And the valley of the River Roe, where the
wild flower Finvola dreamed of love,
became a vale of tears.
A soft wind blew down Dungiven's Main Street, and sighed.
Brave Volunteer Kevin Lynch, has died.

Thomas Dixie Elliot is a Derry artist and a former H Block Blanketman.
Follow Dixie Elliot on Twitter @IsMise_Dixie

You Closed Your Weary Eyes On Life

Ukraine Solidarity Group ✊ A Digest of News from Ukrainian Sources ⚔ 17-August-2026.

In this week’s bulletin

⬤  International solidarity convoy to Ukraine.
⬤ Russia’s authoritarian neoliberalism.
⬤ Repression in St Petersburg.
⬤ Labour rights in Ukraine.
⬤ The danger of historical amnesia.
⬤ Russia’s targeting of emergency responders.
⬤ Comment: Ukrainian refugees in Europe.
⬤ How the Kremlin recruits Western socialists.

News from the territories occupied by Russia

Captured Russian soldier who raped civilian sentenced (Ukrainska Pravda, August 14)

Oksana Senezhuk: two years in detention (Crimea Platform, 14 August)

Ukrainian prisoner with autism tormented with punishment psychiatry (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, 14 August)

Crimea Weekly Update (Crimea Platform, 12 August)

Volodymyr Ananiev turns 77 in Russian captivity (Kharkiv Human Rights Prot’n Group, 11 August)

Russian-occupied Ukraine ‘less free than notorious dictatorships’ (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, 10 August)

New ‘treason’ charges against Crimean political prisoner (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, 10 August)

13-year sentence for refusing to be silent about Russia’s occupation of Kherson oblast (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, August 7th)

Face of Resistance: Political Prisoner Nasiba Saidova (Crimea Platform, August 7th)

Health concerns mount for 62-year-old Larysa Haidai, held incommunicado for two years while FSB fabricated charges (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, August 7th)

Russia sentences Ukrainian Serhiy Moskalenko to 25 years calling resistance to invaders ‘treason’ and ‘terrorism’ (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, August 6th)

Political prisoner Volodymyr Sakada released (Crimea Platform, August 5th)

Weekly update on the situation in occupied Crimea (Crimea Platform, August 4th)

Convicted Crimean Tatar Niyara Ersambetova transferred to Mordovia (Crimea Platform, August 3rd)

Russia passes horrific 24-year sentence against Melitopol man ‘for possession of explosives’ (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, August 3rd)

At least 55 Crimeans are held incommunicado, without charges, in notorious FSB-controlled prison (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, August 3rd)

News from Ukraine

Kyiv: protestors gather again near president’s office (Ukrainska Pravda, August 14)

Russian hitman arrested for targeting Ukrainian rapper Kyivstoner (Ukrainska Pravda, August 14)

The sea gates are locked: how much Ukraine stands to lose from Odesa blockade (ZN.ua, August 11)

Russian strikes leave Kyiv shelves empty (Kyiv Independent, August 13)

Ukraine wants foreign investors to buy state assets: so far they’re not biting (Kyiv Independent, August 12)

Ukraine keeps changing defense ministers. Does that hurt war effort? (Kyiv Independent, August 2nd)

Assault regiment commander ordered troops to fire on retreating comrades, media investigation alleges (Kyiv Independent, July 30th)

‘The war cannot be an excuse’: Social Movement’s Olena Tkalich on labour rights and economic survival in Ukraine (Cross-Border Talks, 27 July)

Progress of the war

Russia shuts down key Black Sea terminal after drone attack (Kyiv Independent, August 15)

UN: July the worst month for four years, for Ukrainian civilians (Meduza, 14 August)

Young volunteer, firefighters, medics killed trying to save the victims of Russian attacks (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, August 5th)

Two Years On, the World Witnesses Human Safari in Kherson (Byline Times, August 5th)

War-related news from Russia

Inside Russia’s new gulag: report from a women’s prison in Rostov (Meduza, 15 August)

A Russian soldier’s farewell letter (Mediazona, 14 August)

Russian casualties: Mediazona’s count updated (Mediazona, 14 August)

The war’s impact on the Bering Strait: When the Whales leave again (Posle.Media, 12 August)

Contemporary art in Russia: ‘Putinist formalism has arrived’ (The Insider, 10 August)

Unwilling “terrorists”: the men the Kremlin accuses of bombing Kerch Strait Bridge (The Insider, August 6th)

No country for old metal heads: Russian police are breaking up concerts (The Insider, August 3rd)

A new Comintern: How the Kremlin lures Western “socialists” into army (The Insider, August 3rd)

Comment and analysis

The wrong lever: Europe, Ukraine and the Refugee Question (International Viewpoint, 13 August)

Russia’s Aggression Demonstrates the Dangers of Historical Amnesia (Posle.Media, 5 August)

Russia’s war: an open letter to Diane Abbott MP (Labour Hub, 9 August)

Protect Ukrainian Children from Russian Trafficking (Intern’l Partnership for Human Rights, July 30)

Research of human rights abuses

Cluster munition attack a potential war crime (Human Rights Watch, 13 August)

Unending torment as Valentyn Vyhivsky, other Ukrainian political prisoners held in Russian captivity after long sentences (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, August 4th)

International solidarity

Call for support: International Solidarity Convoy to Ukraine (August)

Podcast: Ukraine and the Global Sumud Flotilla (Green Socialist Notes, 10 August)

Also not to be missed

Russia and NATO: why Moldova is next on Putin’s list (Meduza, 14 August)

🔴This bulletin is put together by labour movement activists in solidarity with Ukrainian resistance. More information at Ukraine Information Group.

We are also on twitter. Our aim is to circulate information in English that to the best of our knowledge is reliable. If you have something you think we should include, please send it to 2U022ukrainesolidarity@gmail.com.


We are now on Facebook and Substack! Please subscribe and tell friends. Better still, people can email us at 2022ukrainesolidarity@gmail.com, and we’ll send them the bulletin direct every Monday. The full-scale Russian assault on Ukraine is going into its third year: we’ll keep information and analysis coming, for as long as it takes.

The bulletin is also stored on line here.

To receive the bulletin regularly, send your email to:
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News From Ukraine 💣 Bulletin 208

Atheist Ireland ★ Irish equality law recognises religious belief and the absence of religious belief, but it does not adequately recognise philosophical beliefs as protected beliefs in their own right.

15-July-2026

This means Irish equality law breaches the European Employment Equality Directive. This protects religion ‘or belief’, not just the absence of religion.

The ‘or belief’ part of this phrase refers to positive nonreligious philosophical convictions. This includes atheism, humanism, agnosticism, and other beliefs.

Irish Employment Equality law

Irish equality legislation does not provide adequate recognition for philosophical belief.

  • Under Section 6-2(e) of the Employment Equality Act 1998, the religion ground is defined by reference to “religious belief”, which includes religious background or outlook, that one has a different religious belief from the other, or that one has a religious belief and the other has not.
  • Under Section 3(2)(e) of the Equal Status Act 2000, the religion ground is defined as a situation where one person has a different religious belief from another, or where one has a religious belief and the other has not.

This leaves citizens with philosophical convictions, including atheists, humanists, and secularists, without equal recognition. Their convictions are treated as a negative category (not having religion) rather than as positive beliefs and convictions worthy of equal dignity and protection in a democratic society.

EU Employment Equality Directive

The EU Employment Equality Directive recognises and protects religion or belief. In addition, Directive 2000/78/EC also lays down a framework for combating discrimination on the grounds of religion or belief.

Article 10 of the EU Charter on Fundamental Rights protects freedom of thought, conscience and religion. This includes the freedom to hold religious beliefs, non-religious beliefs, atheistic beliefs, non-theistic beliefs, and philosophical convictions.

The impact of this disparity between Irish equality laws and the EU Directives creates a structural inequality. Religious citizens and religious bodies are recognised, protected, funded, and privileged in ways that citizens with philosophical beliefs are not.

The problem is not merely symbolic. The lack of explicit legal recognition shapes how public bodies, schools, equality tribunals, legislators, and regulators understand and apply rights. It contributes to practical discrimination against atheists, humanists, secularists, and others with non-religious philosophical convictions.

Language matters in law. When equality legislation protects religious belief and the absence of religious belief, but does not explicitly protect philosophical belief, it shapes how public authorities understand equality. It narrows the protection given to citizens whose convictions are positive philosophical beliefs, not merely the absence of religion.

Atheist Ireland is campaigning to ensure that Irish equality legislation reflects EU Directives and that atheists, humanists and secularists enjoy exactly the same protection as those with religious beliefs.

⏩ Follow Atheist Ireland on X @atheistie

Irish Equality Law Does Not Protect Philosophical Beliefs, As It Should Under EU Law

Friendly Atheist ★ Erin Lee accused Colorado journalist Kyle Clark of making her sound unhinged, but his receipts showed that her own words did all the work

A right-wing Christian activist is deeply upset that a news reporter quoted her accurately and made her sound like a deranged lunatic.

In Colorado, where Democrats have a legislative trifecta, voters can still put policy proposals on the ballot if they can collect enough signatures. A group called “Protect Kids Colorado” was formed to get three measures in front of voters in the 2026 elections. One of them would mandate life imprisonment without parole for child sex traffickers. The other two would ban trans kids from playing gender-segregated sports and ban certain kinds of “irreversible” forms of gender-affirming care for minors. (Male circumcision would still be allowed, of course, because religion.)

The founder of Protect Kids Colorado is Erin Lee, and when commenters online raised questions about some of her associations and how 9NEWS reporter Kyle Clark might cover the story, Lee lashed out against his reporting:

Kyle Clark has put out stories that I am a cult leader who covers children in blood. With zero evidence or chance for comment . . . 

An Anti-Trans Christian Activist Is Furious That A Reporter Quoted Her Accurately

Right Wing Watch 👀Written by Kyle Mantyla


Alex McFarland Says That 'America Should Outlaw Islam'

During a recent episode of The Truth And Liberty Show, right-wing anti-LGBTQ Christian nationalist Alex McFarland declared that "America should outlaw Islam."

The topic of discussion on the show was "The Threat To Liberty" allegedly posed by Islam and Sharia law, which host Andrew Wommack, a far-right anti-LGBTQ Christian nationalist evangelist, warned was spreading throughout the country due to immigration.

"It's strategic on their part," Wommack said. "They are coming with a strategy."

Wommack then cited the testimony of phony ex-Muslim terrorist Kamal Saleem to claim that Huma Abedin, who served as chief of staff to Hillary Clinton when she was Secretary of State, had been sent to America by the Muslim Brotherhood "to do cultural jihad."

Wommack asserted.

Kamal Saleem came over here to do . . . cultural jihad . . . He and Huma Abedin, who was Hillary Clinton's chief of staff, they both were sent here by the Muslim Brotherhood to do cultural jihad. They've been sending people like this . . .When you come to strategically overthrow this nation and to establish jihad—whether it's cultural or with weapons or whatever—we need to see that as an enemy.

Continue @ RWW.

Christian Nationalist Demands Islam Be Banned In America

Lynx By Ten To The Power Of Two Thousand And Seventy

 


Pastords @ 58

 

A Morning Thought @ 3242

Lesley Stock ✍ Since my early childhood, I have been an avid animal lover. 

 Of course, growing up in Belfast stretched to cats, dogs, gerbils and rabbits. When I moved out of the city in my early 20’s, I found a new appreciation for both farmers and their livestock, and it has only been in the last ten years, that I added farm animals to the ‘family’. Hens, horses and lambs all became part of rural life, and whilst I haven’t ventured into cattle, I get my cow-fix when the farmer regularly holds his beef cattle in the adjoining field to my property, and what stunning beasts they are.

It will come as no surprise after that intro, that I will never be cruel to an animal (and would move heaven and earth to reek karma on anyone who did) however, I’m not a vegetarian and am pragmatic in realising that at certain stages, it is a fact of rural life that animals at times need to be humanely culled.

When I first heard about the situation in Fivemiletown, my initial reaction was profound sadness and shock that all those animals were literally chased down and murdered in front of one another and in sight of the public. This was inconceivably cruel. It was only once I had started to see other online reports and speaking with farmers that I became aware of the background to this barbaric act by the very Dept who’s responsibility it is to ensure the welfare of livestock. 

These animals were not feral, they were not emaciated nor had they TB. This perfectly healthy herd had not been ‘euthanised’ as the Minister stated. Euthanasia is a humane form of taking away the suffering of a sick or injured animal - this was wanton murder of beasts. Reports from the Department of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs (DAERA? stated initially that these animals were ‘feral.’ Again, I’d be ‘feral’ if someone came running at me with a sniper and was systematically killing my herd mates. In Elsie McGarvey's own words at the Parliamentary committee meeting on 10th August 2026, there was a history of TB testing – meaning they weren’t That feral that they couldn’t be tested. All of the animals bar one (most probably one of the calves) had been tagged and were registered as being on NIFAIS. (Northern Ireland Food Animal Information System)

If this was just a ‘one – off’ then, perhaps, Mr Muir's  position and that of Senior Vet staff would be safe. However, since this crisis has become public knowledge, we, the public, are being made aware of the way farmers and their livestock are and have been treated in recent years. I watched with tears in my eyes, a video of cattle lying in inches of their own blood, in the background the elderly farmer could be heard crying “them cattle aren’t even dead”. And they weren’t. 

Some readers will find the video extremely distressing. 


Is this the type of thing DAERA Scappaticci-like nutting squads do as part pf their culling? Whoever gunned down these animals lacked the decency to ensure they were dispatched humanely and quickly. There were at least two animals still writhing in the blood, sweat steaming off the dead compatriots next to them. It is one of the worse things I have had the misfortune to witness. 

Another video showed 2 pigs - animals for which a rescue plan was being devised - grazing on a hill, which had been verified as having been slaughtered needlessly by DAERA, and then the bodies left to rot! Every day, there are more verified horror stories coming out about the abject cruelty of a Government Department, even though Ms McGarvey seemed to infer that the photos seen online “had not been verified.” Is she suggesting that someone has fabricated the photos of healthy dead cattle? Surely it would have been easily verified had she asked those present at the cull if those were the cattle they murdered.

Now, turn the tables. Think of this: the owner of the cattle in Fivemiletown was convicted of animal cruelty, in other words, if he had have let his cattle writhe in pain in its own blood, what would his penalty be? Well, under the Welfare of Animals Act (Northern Ireland) 2011, the farmer could, quite rightly, be sentenced up to 5 years for unnecessary suffering, bearing in mind, this includes mental suffering. So, what is the difference between a farmer committing an offence and the very Dept which its very existence is to enforce and ensure the welfare of livestock?

The Department, and ultimately, the DAERA Minister and his senior lackies must be made accountable for the dreadful crimes of cruelty against defenceless healthy animals. He must answer why he allows this practice of killing healthy animals with such barbaric consequences. The buck stops with him.

In relation to the ‘independent’ (though not that independent and external) review, I understand why farmers have no faith in the independence of this appointment. To be fair to Dr Martin Blake, there is no-one within farming circles who are questioning his abilities, however, since DAERA and Irelands’ Department of Agriculture, Food and the Marine work closely together - and in the Department's own words the Humane Slaughter Team “assist in operations all over the Island of Ireland” - I would be of the opinion that Mr Muir could have found a more suitable ‘independent’ external reviewer. I would be worried that if DAERA are routinely practicing slaughter such as the videos have evidenced, it could also be assumed that the Dept in Ireland also have those practices. If this is the case, then an inquiry must be undertaken to ensure these policies change – and urgently.

I have been taken aback by the Alliance Party, yet again, blaming everyone else and gaslighting Unionist politicians for making this a political issue. Naomi Long must be blind, deaf and dumb not to have seen the reaction by ordinary people, from Both sections of the community who are equally appalled by the revelations we have seen. Agriculture is our biggest industry, using approximately 75% of our land for farming and food production, supporting at least 51,000 jobs for local people in areas where industry is scarce. Hopefully, the party is not attempting to make this scandal a matter of Green Vs Orange. I personally have been in contact with a woman from a farming background in Tyrone, who is just as horrified by the Dept and the scandalous practices that are taking place against (on the whole smaller farmers) day in day out.

And that leads me to wonder, why are the smaller farmers finding it so difficult to stay afloat and abide by the Department's stringent and oftentimes ridiculous rules? I, for one, want to buy and eat meat which is traceable to whichever farm it came from. That’s what puts our farming industry head and shoulders above other countries. We undoubtedly have the best food supply in Europe. So whilst we can capitalise on this amazing industry, Mr Muir seems to be pushing ahead for net zero. His predecessor had a tad more knowledge in that whilst he saw the need to look at the effects of climate change, he was in opposition to net zero as he was savvy enough to know that this would have a catastrophic impact on small farmers.

The attitude by the Minister in the ‘speech’ he gave in relation to the Ulster Farmers Union when he robustly and, I have to say, relatively aggressively told them that they need to butt out and that he’s not beholden to them was, quite frankly, just another example of the way Alliance treat the electorate. Mr Muir seems to forget that he in fact, Is there to be accountable to the public, including farmers!

So can we look back at DAERA’s shame in the needless slaughter (not euthanasia) of 50 healthy cattle, and see it as a view forward and the Slaughter of the small farmer? Time will tell.
 
 Lesley Stock is a former PSNI and RUC Officer
currently involved in community work. 

Slaughter Of The Small Farmers

Geordie Morrow 🖌 with a sketch from his collection of art work. 

Pencil Sketch 1986

⏩Geordie Morrow is a Belfast artist.

Johnny, First Among Equals

Muiris Ó SúilleabháinProvisional: arranged or existing for the present, possibly to be changed later.

I always disliked the word Provisional, particularly when it was used to describe the Republican Movement I joined in my teens. It was invariably a term of dismissal, suggesting that we were somehow illegitimate, a lesser republicanism than that which had gone before.

We did not think of ourselves that way.

There was certainly nothing provisional about the commitment expected of those who joined. Stormont was not to be reformed or administered more competently. Partition was not to be made more comfortable. The Northern state, and partition itself, were the problem. We certainly never imagined ourselves becoming their custodians.

As the years have passed, however, I have begun to wonder whether it might be time to resurrect the word.

Our particular brand of republicanism was indeed provisional. Not because the movement itself was temporary, but because almost everything that followed the ceasefire was supposed to be.

The ceasefire was part of a process. The negotiations were part of a process. The Good Friday Agreement was part of a process. Stormont was part of a process. Each accommodation could be justified because none represented the destination. They were stages along a road towards something else: the Irish Republic.

They were provisional.

Almost thirty years later, the institutions remain. The constitutional settlement remains. Partition remains. What has changed most profoundly is Sinn Féin's relationship with them.

Sinn Féin has defeated its constitutional nationalist rivals electorally, first within Northern nationalism and then eventually across much of the island. Yet in doing so it has increasingly occupied the political ground on which those rivals had once stood. Parliamentary politics, ministerial office, power-sharing, consent, cross-border institutions and the gradual persuasion of a Northern majority ceased to be tactical accommodations and became the substance of the strategy itself. Socialism, likewise, has been quietly exchanged for the safer territory of centrist social democracy.

The Provisionals did not defeat constitutional nationalism by demonstrating that it was wrong. They replaced constitutional nationalism and then, gradually, became it.

Perhaps that was the destination for some all along.

That paradox came back to me while reading two recent articles from Comrade Declan Kearney, Sinn Féin's National Chairperson. Read together, they amount to an unintended admission that the Sinn Féin strategy constructed around the Good Friday Agreement has failed to deliver.

That is not the same as saying that the Agreement failed.

From a British, SDLP or unionist perspective, the GFA has largely succeeded in what it was designed to do. It ended an unwinnable conflict, established an agreed system of devolved government and provided constitutional protections for competing identities. Those were considerable achievements.

The peace process succeeded. The provisional Sinn Féin strategy built around it did not.

Republicans were told that the new arrangements were transitional. Stormont could be entered because Stormont would eventually be transcended. Participation did not amount to acceptance of the constitutional status quo because participation itself was the process through which that status quo would be changed.

Kearney's two interventions now expose how difficult that argument has become to sustain.

In one article he describes a North characterised by political instability, chronic underfunding, failing public services, poverty and economic dysfunction. In another he tells us that constitutional change is gathering momentum but requires a new national initiative to advance it.

Sinn Féin has therefore arrived at a peculiar position. The provisional arrangement must be preserved while the transition to the Republic it was supposed to facilitate must apparently be initiated again.

Kearney attributes much of Stormont's dysfunction to the DUP and British government policy. Neither requires a defence from me. They are doing what they have always done. Unionists defend the Union and British governments defend what they perceive to be British interests. Republicans once understood both positions perfectly well.

If Sinn Féin's strategy depended upon the DUP ceasing to behave like the DUP, or upon a British government voluntarily facilitating the end of British sovereignty in Ireland, then the difficulty lies less with either of them than with those who foolishly built a strategy upon such baseless assumptions.

There was a time when republicans pointed to the failure of Stormont as evidence of the failure of partition. Sinn Féin now argues that Stormont must work, that the British government must provide sufficient money to make it work and that unionists must cooperate in making it work.

That is quite a journey for a movement which once regarded Stormont, British sovereignty and unionism not as impediments to the efficient administration of the North but as the political problem itself.

The provisional arrangement has become something Sinn Féin is deeply invested in preserving.

Which leaves a fairly obvious question. What, exactly, remains provisional?

Administering the North

Kearney tells us that constitutional change is on the political horizon, that a paradigm shift has occurred and that momentum for Irish unity is growing.

We have heard versions of this argument for years.

Demographics are changing. Conversations are beginning. Civic nationalism is mobilising. Another roadmap appears. Another commission meets. Another initiative is announced.

Now Kearney proposes a national convention on Irish unity as the next stage of the journey. It might more accurately be described as an attempt to restart a journey that has never really begun.

The constitutional position of the North remains stubbornly where it was in 1922, 1975 and 1998. The North remains within the United Kingdom. Stormont remains a devolved British institution. The British government retains the statutory authority to call a border poll.

Indeed, Kearney acknowledges this difficulty himself. Almost thirty years after the Good Friday Agreement, the Sinn Féin strategy for achieving Irish self-determination still ultimately depends upon a British Secretary of State determining that circumstances exist in which the people of the North may vote to leave the United Kingdom.

Kearney invokes Hume-Adams as a model for what should happen next. But Hume-Adams was the catalyst for a fundamental shift in republican strategy, not British strategy. Nearly four decades later, Sinn Féin is proposing another initiative to begin the constitutional transition which we have repeatedly been assured is already underway.

Advocating for a new initiative is itself an admission that the old provisional initiative has failed.

Holding the office of First Minister represents electoral progress for Sinn Féin. It does not, by itself, represent progress towards an Irish Republic. There is a credible argument that something quite different has happened, Sinn Féin has become increasingly adept at administering the North without becoming demonstrably more successful at ending it.

A movement which once refused to recognise the legitimacy of the Northern state now celebrates occupying its highest political office. Its ministers administer British public policy within the United Kingdom. Its MLAs legislate in institutions established under British law. Its departments depend upon British Treasury funding. Its leadership demands that those institutions be adequately financed.

There is nothing inherently dishonourable about any of this. Government requires compromise, and people are entitled to expect parties seeking office to govern. Pretending though, that it is something else though is dishonourable.

Administering the North is not dismantling it. Making Stormont function is not transcending Stormont. Electoral success within Northern institutions is not constitutional progress towards the Republic.

The Fleadh and the accommodating state

The Fleadh in Belfast offered an almost perfect illustration of that deeper Provo paradox.

It was a magnificent celebration of Irish music and culture, and Belfast's embrace of it demonstrated how immensely Northern society has changed.

But there was an uncomfortable constitutional reality beneath the celebration. The Fleadh took place in the United Kingdom.

Irish identity can now flourish, and the Irish language can flourish in Belfast in much the same way that Scottish and Welsh identities can flourish within the United Kingdom. That may be culturally and politically welcome, but it should not be mistaken for constitutional change.

Culture is not sovereignty. Identity is not constitutional change.

The Fleadh did not demonstrate that the border was disappearing. It demonstrated something potentially more challenging for Sinn Féin strategy: Belfast can become increasingly Irish without becoming any less part of the United Kingdom.

That possibility deserves considerably more attention than Sinn Féin gives it. The Good Friday Agreement may have created a potential route out of the Union. But it may also have made the Union more capable of accommodating Irishness.

That is a profound irony. The republican critique of the old Northern state was that it was inherently hostile to Irish identity.

But the post-Agreement North is different. Irishness has public and legal recognition. Constitutional nationalists dominate the government. North-south institutions exist. The Irish government has an institutionalised relationship with Northern affairs. A constitutional nationalist holds the office of First Minister for the first time.

But the reality remains, the Northern state has not disappeared. It has changed sufficiently to comfortably accommodate much of what constitutional nationalism had demanded of it.

A new Ireland for whom?

There is another absence from Kearney's vision which is equally striking, class politics.

His critique of the North is filled with social concerns, poverty, public services, workers' rights, economic inactivity, housing and the cost of living. These things matter most because they shape people's lives.

Yet when the discussion moves to Irish unity, much of that material analysis disappears. In its place comes the largely undefined promise of a "new Ireland".

A new Ireland for whom?

For a family struggling to pay rent in West Belfast, a pensioner waiting for treatment in Derry or a worker priced out of housing in Dublin, changing the constitutional architecture of the island will not amount to social transformation.

The more important questions concern what that new Ireland would actually be.

Who will own its wealth? Who will be able to afford its houses? What sort of health service will it provide? How will wealth be redistributed? What would prevent a thirty-two-county state from reproducing the inequalities already found on both sides of the border?

These cannot be questions reserved for the day after unity. They determine whether unity offers anything transformative in the first place.

This is where New Sinn Féin has become strangely class blind.

The "new Ireland" conversation is conducted by politicians, academics, business figures, careerists and professional civic campaigners. There are conferences, commissions, reports and carefully managed conversations.

Working-class communities, meanwhile, are viewed as nothing more than secure electoral constituencies rather than the people whose economic interests should define the project itself.

The communities that the peace process has bypassed are being asked whether they support a united Ireland before being told what sort of Ireland they are being asked to support. The constitutional question comes first; its social and economic parameters can apparently be settled afterwards.

For a tradition that once claimed the language of Connolly, that is an extraordinary inversion. The Republic was supposed to be defined by the social and economic interests of its people, not simply by the territory enclosed within its borders.

Connolly's republic was never merely geographical. The purpose was not simply to exchange flags or transfer administrative sovereignty from London to Dublin while leaving existing inequalities intact.

A thirty-two-county state marked by profound inequalities of wealth, housing, aspiration and opportunity would unquestionably constitute a united Ireland.

Whether it would constitute the Republic generations of republicans imagined is another question entirely.

Sinn Féin cannot apply one standard to the North and another to the Ireland it proposes to replace it with. If the North is to be judged according to poverty, wages, housing, health services, economic opportunity and workers' rights, then the proposed new Ireland must face precisely the same test.

It is not enough to tell working-class people that they will live in a different jurisdiction. They are entitled to ask how their lives will be improved.

What remains provisional?

None of this requires a retrospective rejection of the peace process.

The ceasefires were necessary. The abandonment of armed struggle was right. The Good Friday Agreement brought enormous benefits. Participation in the institutions was both inevitable and proper.

But peace and constitutional progress are not the same thing. Accepting the necessity of the peace process does not require us to pretend that everything which followed represents another stage on an inevitable journey towards the Republic.

That is the conversation Sinn Féin appears unable to have with itself.

The question is not whether the peace process was worthwhile. It was. Nor is it whether Irish unity remains desirable. It does.

The question is whether the provisional strategy adopted by the Provisional movement is actually delivering.

Kearney's own arguments bring that contradiction into unusually sharp focus. In one account, functioning power-sharing is "the way forward". In another, the transition to Irish unity must now begin.

If Stormont is the way forward, we are entitled to ask where it is taking us. If the institutions are structurally incapable of delivering for people, we are entitled to ask why their preservation has become a strategic Sinn Féin priority. And if constitutional transition has already acquired the momentum we are repeatedly told it has, we are entitled to wonder why another convention is required to initiate it.

These are the genuine questions republicans should be asking. The answers should concern anyone who still believes that republicanism was supposed to mean something more than acquiring political office within the Northern state.

The less speculative reality may simply be that, after nearly three decades with their snouts in the Stormont trough, the patronage, salaries, status and political infrastructure that come with government have become indispensable to the party itself. What began as a provisional accommodation has become an institution in which Sinn Féin is deeply invested and from which it can no longer easily withdraw. Perhaps that is the real Provo paradox. Somewhere along the journey, the comfort of managing The North quietly replaced the transformation of Ireland as Sinn Féin's real project.

Muiris Ó Súilleabháin was a member of the Republican Movement until he retired in 2006 after 20 years of service. Fiche bhliain ag fás.

The Provo Paradox

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