Azar Majedi ★ The world has reached an explosive turning point.


Global capitalism is grappling with a vast and decisive crisis. War and destruction have engulfed a large portion of the world. For three years now, the world has witnessed genocide and regional devastation carried out by Israel and the United States, with the full backing of the West. From Palestine to Lebanon and Syria and ultimately the catastrophic war against Iran, the region has been transformed into a living nightmare.

Nearly five years have passed since the onset of the Russia-Ukraine war, with NATO’s intervention; hundreds of thousands have been killed, and the future remains bleak. The United States, the West, and Israel, spearheaded by the UAE have plunged Sudan into a dark, nightmarish scenario. Mass slaughter, starvation, sexual violence, and torture have brought the lives of the people to the brink of total annihilation.

In Latin America, the United States is deeply engaged in "regime change"—interfering with and manipulating elections in Peru, Argentina, Chile, and Colombia; deploying forces and engaging in blatant theft in Venezuela; and imposing starvation on the people of Cuba.

In Bangladesh and Nepal, riding the wave of “GenZ” protests, the U.S. orchestrated two further regime changes.

Fascism is rapidly seizing power. Repression, police violence, and censorship have reached staggering proportions within the very heart of Western democracy. As of January, communism has been banned in the Czech Republic. The British government is arresting and imprisoning—on charges of terrorism—elderly and, in some cases, disabled protesters who support Palestine and call for a ban on arms shipments to Israel. The detention and beating of children by the police have become a commonplace occurrence at demonstrations in European cities.


In response to this onslaught, a broad protest movement has emerged in Europe, engaging in an open struggle against the police and the state. The bourgeoisie has heard the outcry of the dispossessed against the brutal enslavement imposed by capital. These protests are stirring. When “The Internationale” is sung by thousands in the streets, it strikes a chord in the hearts of all who retain a sense of humanity and compassion. One cannot help but think: "Let the ruling classes tremble at the prospect of a communist revolution. The proletariat has nothing to lose but its chains; it has a world to win. Workers of all countries, unite!"

Genocide in Palestine and the Awakening Movement

As the world witnesses Israel’s ruthless slaughter in Gaza day after day, the truth has come to light. The narrative that imperialism had force-fed the world for decades has vanished into thin air. The world had been told that Israel was constantly facing threats and attacks from the "monster" of Islamic terrorism—in the form of Hamas, Hezbollah, and the Islamic Republic (the "Axis of Evil")—and that, therefore, "Israel has the right to defend itself."

Over the past three years, this slogan has turned into a bitter joke. The brainwashing is beginning to fade. Over the past three years, millions of people have taken to the streets to condemn Israel, the United States, and the West, and to stand in defense of the Palestinian people. Despite widespread police violence, these protests have not subsided; rather, they have expanded. For many, the Palestinian flag has now become a symbol of freedom, justice, and humanity—which is why it has been seen flying everywhere during the mass protests all over Europe in recent months.
 
According to the opinion polls, Israel is currently the most reviled country in the world.

A wave of protest and street-level uprisings has now reached Western nations. A deep economic crisis, coupled with a prevailing atmosphere of war, has made living conditions extremely difficult—indeed, unbearable—for the general population. Poverty and homelessness have driven hundreds of thousands of people onto the streets in the very heart of the West —a region that prides itself on its welfare systems, democracy, and human rights. Teenagers, young adults, workers, and the working people of Europe have taken to the streets to fight against poverty, the collapse of educational systems, and the soaring costs of living.

Albania

Over the past year, a broad protest movement has emerged, directed primarily against the government and its rampant corruption. This movement intensified and grew more furious following reports that Jared Kushner and Ivanka Trump had acquired two protected areas along the Adriatic coast in southern Albania with the intention of developing a luxury tourist resort. The public rose up against the widespread government corruption, demanding the fall of the prime minister and the government. Every day, thousands of people take to the streets to protest against the government and call for change. This protest movement has come to be known as the "Flamingo Revolution."
 
Following student protests in France, young people in Albania have voiced similar demands. In recent weeks, the protests have been met with widespread police violence. Over the past year, despite extensive protests, the government has repeatedly resisted people’s demands, resorted to police violence, and sought to maintain its grip on power.

Spain

Thousands of people in Spain have taken to the streets, calling for a more equitable system. The right to housing stands at the forefront of their demands. The protests have been particularly widespread in Madrid and Barcelona. In Madrid, demonstrators have staged a sit-in in the middle of a major city square. The suicide of a woman who had been evicted from her home in early September—followed by the eviction of 87-year-old Mari Carmen Abascal from the apartment where she had lived for 71 years—sparked a massive, nationwide protest movement across Spain.

Under pressure from this broad-based movement, the government initially rescinded the eviction order against the elderly woman, though she passed away in the Under hospital shortly thereafter.

Subsequently, the government was compelled to enact temporary legislation prohibiting the eviction of tenants and to call for early elections. Mari Carmen Abascal became the face and symbol of this widespread protest, and thousands have honored her memory.

France

For about a month, thousands of people in France have taken to the streets to protest the dire state of the education system, poverty, the high cost of living, and the threat of war. Paris, Lyon, and other major French cities have effectively turned into battlegrounds where the public—including children—clash with the police. The level of police violence has shocked the world, shattering the country’s carefully cultivated image of democracy, social welfare, and human rights. Hundreds have been injured by the police; one teenager lost a hand, and another lost an eye. According to government reports, at least 1,300 people—including dozens of children—have been arrested and are being held in detention under appalling conditions.


On the Saturdays of October 17, 24 and 31 approximately one million people took to the streets. France is witnessing street warfare between protesters and the police; an open and acute form of class struggle is unfolding. The movement, which began primarily with student protests, has drawn in a broad cross-section of the society, including teachers, parents, university students, and workers. Labour unions have thrown their support behind the movement and have called for a general strike on November 5.

Mainstream media outlets and the state apparatus are attempting to propagate a false and inflammatory narrative. They claim that immigrants and Muslims are responsible for the violence, the clashes, and the arson attacks on buildings and shops. However, the existence of social media—despite the extensive censorship imposed on it—along with the heightened awareness of the public, has exposed these fabrications.

Videos circulating on social media show masked men throwing explosives in the presence of police, only to leave the scene without any police intervention. Some have actually joined the police rank after throwing the explosives.
 
In recent years, the phenomenon of "false flag" operations has been exposed to many. Just this past year, Israel attempted—by orchestrating terrorist operations—to frame Muslims, Palestinians, immigrants, or the Islamic Republic as the perpetrators; such operations have been observed in countries ranging from Australia to the United Kingdom and France. However, most of these terrorist incidents were quickly exposed and subsequently scrubbed entirely from media coverage.

Italy

Shortly after the widespread unrest in France, people in Italy also took to the streets. Protests by youth and workers are unfolding across Italy, where participants are facing police violence. Large-scale demonstrations have emerged in cities such as Milan, Rome, Turin, and Bologna. Labour unions have played a prominent role in these protests. Over the past three years, dockers have repeatedly blocked the loading or departure of ships carrying weapons destined for Israel.

On Friday 30 October over one million people came to the streets of many cities in Italy to protest for better living conditions, better wages, education system, against high cost of living and against war. This was an amazing show of force against fascism and the government.

Greece

Like France, Spain, Italy, and Belgium, Greece has been the scene of extensive protests against the government, poverty, and the high cost of living, with demands for wage increases and improvements to the education system. Young people and workers have taken to the streets, and worker’s strikes have been organised.
 
Furthermore, for the past three years, a broad protest movement has been active—opposing Israel’s genocide and supporting the Palestinian people, while also resisting Israel’s attempts to seize Greek territory. A way of seizing land that has involved setting forests ablaze and subsequently purchasing the scorched land—a process carried out in close collaboration with the staunchly pro-Israel Greek government.

Protest movements with similar demands which have also met violent police crackdowns have also spread to Belgium and Portugal. In Serbia, widespread protests against a right-wing government succeeded, after two years, in bringing about a change in the administration. Now, Germany has also entered the fray.

International strike by dockworkers against the war

On October 30, dockworkers and port employees staged a coordinated international day of action under the slogan “Dockers do not work for war,” halting operations across 113 ports in 22 countries and regions. This is very significant. The power of workers and the Left is being demonstrated against fascist and warmonger states. Against the backdrop of mass protest movements sweeping across Europe, this international day of solidarity with Palestine and other war-stricken countries represents a growing challenge to bourgeois rule and imperialist power.


Brazil—A Five-Day Working week

Recent elections in Brazil triggered a wave of protests. One million people took to the streets in support of Lula—a reformist, left-wing president—opposing Bolsonaro, an unadulterated fascist. In several major cities in northern Brazil—home to predominantly Black and impoverished populations—mayors halted bus services to obstruct mass participation in the election; however, the opposition succeeded in extending the voting period by two hours. Vast numbers of the impoverished and marginalized travelled to the cities by boat to cast their votes.

A massive mobilization effort was organised in remote, impoverished areas to ensure that as many people as possible could participate. Consequently, Lula—who had trailed in the first round—was elected; immediately following the announcement of the results, Bolsonaro fled Brazil via Argentina, escaping to the United States.

Given the extensive interference by the United States and Israel in Latin American elections—which effectively led to regime change in Argentina, Chile, and Colombia—as well as the occupation of Venezuela and the imposition of starvation upon the people of Cuba, this election has rekindled a sense of hope. Not because Lula is a radical who intends—or is even capable of—overthrowing capitalism or bringing about significant improvements in the conditions of the Brazilian working class and the general population, but rather because the prospect of overt fascist rule represents a dark nightmare.


Furthermore, this struggle yielded a remarkable and historic achievement for the Brazilian working class: the establishment of a five-day working week, secured after years of struggle. This accomplishment is highly significant, both in practical and symbolic terms. Reducing working hours and instituting a five-day working week have long been key demands of the international labour movement. At a time when fascism is acquiring grounds globally—and the gains made by the labour movement and the Left in recent decades are being systematically dismantled—this achievement holds great importance for the labour movement and the Left in the ongoing struggle to push back the bourgeoisie and fascism.

The situation is extremely sensitive and critical. The broad, radical protest movement currently sweeping across Europe and parts of the rest of the world offers a glimmer of hope — for change, for pushing back fascism, and for building a better world. However, it must be acknowledged that despite the profound radicalism, extensive organization, and the people's firm resolve to continue the protests, this movement lacks a radical leadership with a clear program for change and for sustaining the struggle against the ruling establishment and capitalism.

A revolution against capitalism requires a strong organisation with a clear program, effective leadership, and the capacity for broad-based organisation. At present, it does not appear that such organisations exist.

Radical slogans reverberate through the streets, people resist with remarkable courage, the labour movement has joined the struggle, The “Internationale” is sung by thousands, and red flags fly high. Yet the uprising remains vulnerable to repression, suppression and the possibility of being driven into retreat.

This historic passage from the "Communist Manifesto" remains valid and relevant:

The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles. Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf, guild-master and journeyman—in a word, oppressor and oppressed—stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, a fight that each time ended, either in a revolutionary reconstitution of society at large, or in the common ruin of the contending classes.

⏩ Asar Majed is the Chairperson of Organisation for Women’s Liberation.

From The Banning Of Communism In The Czech Republic To A 5-Day Workweek In Brazil

Irish Border Poll ★ Written by Colin Harvey. Recommended by Louth Forever.

Expect the noise levels to increase. Earplugs may even be required.

The major flaw in the ‘reconciliation first’ argument – in the Irish unity discussion – is its apparent antipathy to the fractious and loud nature of democracy. An open invitation to mischievous disruptors/spoilers – local and global – to mess with collective ambitions. Those whose main aim is to impede the necessary planning for the future of Ireland.

Good to note then that serious political and civic actors are not fooled by the migraine-inducing repetitive tools of distraction. People who are mature enough to grasp that the journey to a united Ireland will be difficult and may even be turbulent. As anything worth achieving in life tends to be. Recognising this reality now will help in steeling everyone in advance.

That is one reason why the various unity initiatives are to be welcomed and encouraged. Not because united Irelanders are on the same page (they are definitely not) but because this effort demonstrates a desire to keep pressing on despite bad-faith actors who are determined to derail the project.

Keeping Going

Atheist Ireland ★ The laws around receiving political donations from abroad are skewed towards religious bodies.

22-September-2026


All a foreign third party needs to do is to donate to the religious organisation in Ireland on the grounds that it is donating for religious purposes. There is no limit to what they can donate.


By contrast, organisations such as Atheist Ireland are limited in the donations they can get from abroad. We are registered with the SIPO (Standards in Public Office) Commission as a third party. We campaign politically to change law and policy, especially in relation to the education system.

There are two issues here:

  • One is that the Catholic Church, a powerful global organisation that switches between calling itself a religion and a State, has a privileged position in Ireland with regard to the donations it accepts from within Ireland and abroad.
  • Two is that very conservative religious organisations, and people from other countries with similar motivations, have the same privilege when they want to influence law and policy in Ireland.

Campaigning on Political Grounds

Religious organisations, like all other organisations, are of course entitled to campaign politically within the public square, and to try to influence the outcome of referendums. However, it is only fair that there is a level playing field.

But the law benefits religious bodies more than ethical secular bodies. It does not require organisations to declare how they are funding all of their political activities, just what is being donated for political purposes and how that is spent.

If you donate to the Catholic Church, you are donating to promote their religious teachings within the public square. But that can include seeking to change law and policy. The question is: where does religion end and political campaigning start?

Religious organisations might argue that they use their own money to fund their political purposes, and use donations to fund their religious purposes. If so, the donations for religious purposes free up the other money to use for political purposes.

So this legislation, and its regulation, leaves all religious bodies with the ability to continue to influence political campaigns and policy, while it restricts the ability of ethical secular bodies from getting donations to do the same.

Conclusion

Quite clearly Atheist Ireland, the Catholic Church and many other religious bodies all campaign to change law and policy. The Catholic Church must make returns for the Lobbying Register because they campaign around:

  • The initiation, development or modification of any public policy or of any public programme
  • The preparation or amendment of any law

So why are they given a privileged position? Particularly when third parties from other countries, with similar motivations, are seeking to influence law and policy in Ireland.

A powerful religious organisation, that switches between calling itself a religion and a State, has a privileged position in Ireland with regard to the donations it accepts from within Ireland and abroad.

Keep up with Atheist Ireland.

Where Does Funding Religion End, And Funding Political Campaigning Start?

Ukraine Solidarity Group ✊ A Digest of News from Ukrainian Sources ⚔  26-October-2026.

In this week’s bulletin

⬤ International Solidarity Convoy to Ukraine
⬤ Putin: no humanitarian.
⬤ Reports on rights.
⬤ Evidence of Russian torture and abduction of children.
⬤ Billions in untraceable Russian cash.

News from the territories occupied by Russia

Russian court passes 18-year death sentence against 77-year-old Ukrainian political prisoner Volodymyr Ananiev (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, October 23rd)

Gravely ill political prisoner Lenur Khalilov ordered to die in pain in a Russian prison (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, October 23rd)

10-year-old girl whose mother died abducted from Kostiantynivka and handed over to "uncle" in Russia (Ukrainska Pravda, October 23rd)

“Building Connections, Fostering Trust and Finding Solutions”: Key Takeaways from the Fourth International Crimea Global Conference (Crimea Platform, October 23rd)

The face of resistance: The story of political prisoner Ekrem Krosh (Crimea Platform, October 23rd)

77-year-old Volodymyr Ananiev gets 18-year “death sentence” (Mediazona, 23 October)

15-19-year sentences in Russia's savage reprisal for Crimean Solidarity human rights activism (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, October 22nd)

Russian FSB abduct Ukrainian on 'spying' charges when sentence for social media comment proved too short (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, October 21st)

Crimea Global conference showcased exhibitions on the consequences of Russian aggression, unlawful detention and resistance in Crimea (Crimea Platform, October 21st)

Weekly update on the situation in occupied Crimea (Crimea Platform, October 21st)

Young Melitopol man sentenced to 14 years for donating 10 euros to Ukraine’s Armed Forces (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, October 20th)

Four Ukrainians sentenced to 25 years or life for partisan resistance after Russian ‘torture so bad you’d confess to anything’ (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, October 19th)

Russia is putting Crimean Anatoliy Kobzar’s life in danger over two years after his brazen abduction (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, October 19th)

Progress of the war

Starlink speed restrictions still in force (Meduza, 23 October)

Marxist fighters in the Ukrainian resistance (International Workers League-FI, October 18th)

Civilian casualties remain at record levels (Facebook, October 17th)

News from Ukraine

Kyiv's power ring under attack: why the capital faces a winter of blackouts (Ukrainska Pravda, October 24th)

270 Ukrainians Freed from Russian Captivity, Nearly a Third Convicted in Russia (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, October 23rd)

Pen pushers help keep Ukraine’s lights on (Centre for European Policy Analysis, 21 October)

What does resilience look like in the country’s education system? (Cedos, October 19th)

War-related news from Russia

Network Case Defendant Vasily Kuksov Released from Prison (Russian Reader, October 24th)

Russian paper paints Ukraine as aggressor, Europe as victim (The Russian Reader, 23 October)

Putin’s “Doppelgängers”: The Insider gets inside the operations of the Kremlin's foreign disinformation network (The Insider, October 21st)

Butter melted down to guns: Russia again cuts social spend to pay for war (The Insider, 21 October)

Russia turns on its scientists (Mediazona, 20 October)

Russia jails severely ill Ukrainian pensioner (Mediazona, 19 October)

Comment and analysis

Oil-covered seas: can war damage to ecosystems be reduced (Ukraine War Environmental Consequences Work Group, 23 October)

An unofficial peace bid, and how it fell apart (Meduza, 23 October)

Putin Is No Humanitarian (Anti-capitalist musings, October 22nd)

Condemn assault on Ukrainian scholar Vladyslav Starodubtsev (Change.org, October 21st)

Countering the Predator: How to Stop Russia Recruiting Foreigners (Crimea Platform, October 19th)

Research of human rights abuses

The Lawyers Who Record a War: The Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group (Tribunal for Putin, October 23rd)

Ensuring history does not disappear: what data are needed for documenting the criminal (Tribunal for Putin, October 23rd)

Prisoners' rights in Ukraine: Chronic problems (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, 24 October)

Constitutional human rights and the Russian-Ukrainian war (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, October 24th)

ZMINA joined discussion on supporting people affected by war at Tochka Skhodu forum in Kyiv (Zmina, October 22nd)

Shadow Report 2026: ZMINA took part in presenting an independent assessment of Ukraine’s progress on human rights on its path to EU accession (Zmina, October 21st)

Security, democracy, Russian recruitment, the pursuit of justice and AI: What was discussed at Crimea Global 2026 (Zmina, October 20th)

International solidarity

‘With the International Solidarity Convoy to Ukraine, we are rebuilding internationalism’ (Links, October 22nd)

Major winter fundraiser: for autonomous power, heaters and gear (Solidarity Collectives, October)

Also not to be missed

Mali: Army, Russia’s ‘Africa Corps’ Commit New Abuses (Human Rights Watch, October 22nd)

Kremlin payment firm A7 has been pumping billions in ‘untraceable’ cash into global financial system (International Consortium of Investigative Journalists, October 21st)

The Traitor (The Russian Reader, 20 October)

Upcoming events:

Thursday 5 November, 6.0pm, on zoom: Reclaiming Crimean Tatar subjectivity under occupation, organised by UCU Members for Ukraine & Ukraine Solidarity Campaign. Details here.

Friday 13 November, 6.0pm, on zoom: The US midterms, Ukraine and the fight against fascism. Speakers: Tanya Vyhovsky, Vermont State Senator (Progressive / Democratic), Dylan Burns, journalist, streamer and founder of Track Ukraine. Details here.
🔴This bulletin is put together by labour movement activists in solidarity with Ukrainian resistance. More information at Ukraine Information Group.

We are also on twitter. Our aim is to circulate information in English that to the best of our knowledge is reliable. If you have something you think we should include, please send it to 2U022ukrainesolidarity@gmail.com.


We are now on Facebook and Substack! Please subscribe and tell friends. Better still, people can email us at 2022ukrainesolidarity@gmail.com, and we’ll send them the bulletin direct every Monday. The full-scale Russian assault on Ukraine is going into its third year: we’ll keep information and analysis coming, for as long as it takes.

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News From Ukraine 💣 Bulletin 218

Friendly Atheist ★ The verdict holds Paul Mackenzie and 28 associates responsible for deaths tied to a promise of meeting Jesus through fasting.

Paul ⁠⁠Mackenzie, a Kenyan cult leader who told members they would meet Jesus after starving themselves to death, was found guilty of murdering 191 people.

190 of his victims were kids.

When the story first broke in 2023, the headlines were horrific. 90 bodies were found in shallow graves, with the death toll getting higher with each passing day.

The victims were all members of the Good News International Church, led by Paul Mackenzie Nthenge. Police began looking into the graves after receiving a tip that the bodies were buried in the eastern part of the country.

Mackenzie was arrested by police on April 14, 2023, shouting “Praise Jesus” as he was escorted away. The televangelist began his church in 2003 and soon became a lightning rod for controversy, mostly because he had a habit of urging members to dissociate from the rest of the world. He told members to quit school, leave their jobs, stop eating “worldly food,” refuse medical treatment, and destroy their government documents (like IDs and birth certificates). 

Continue @ Friendly Atheist.

Kenyan Starvation Cult Leader Paul Mackenzie Convicted In Deaths Of 191 People

Merrion Press 🔖 has published a new book by John S. Doyle.




SALT WIND, RISING WATER
Planting a Wood on Ireland's Wild Atlantic Coast


John S. Doyle



‘We started off, my wife Anne and I, with a big field, bare except for grass and rushes and, along one ditch, a couple of old elder trees, and at the end a big willow bush, probably marking a division of land. Thirty years later it is a wood, a garden, with an orchard of apples and soft fruit, and it is full of birdsong. The work of many hands has gone into making it: some hands have been directly laid on; a great many other people provided inspiration.’

Salt Wind, Rising Water is a gentle ode to nature and a captivating account of how two Dubliners transformed two wild, windswept acres on Sligo’s north coast into a thriving wood, orchard, and garden. Over thirty years, John S. Doyle and his family were welcomed into a vibrant community of writers, painters, and small farmers who encouraged their vision and shared in their journey.

Battling harsh winters, salt-laden winds and dramatic storms, the couple learned resilience, patience, and the hard-earned rewards of working with the land. A unique blend of nature writing, memoir, and practical guidance, this is a story of cultivating beauty, nurturing community, and discovering the quiet magic of helping a place take root.

Paperback • €18.99|£17.99 • 248pages • 215mm x 135mm • 9781785375927
Get your copy

About The Author



John S. Doyle
is a journalist and presents ‘It Says in the Papers’ on Morning Ireland on RTÉ Radio 1. He was the founder of In Dublin, the arts and current affairs magazine which flourished in the 1970s and 1980s and uncovered the talents of such writers as Colm Tóibín and Fintan O’Toole.

Out Now 📚 John S. Doyle

Right Wing Watch 👀Written by Peter Montgomery.


The Washington Stand, the Family Research Council’s “outlet for news and commentary from a biblical worldview,” published a commentary Wednesday from Kansas pastor Kyle Lammott that reveals what FRC and its allies mean by a “biblical worldview.” It appears to be a lightly edited version of remarks Lammott made last Sunday at an event with FRC President Tony Perkins and dominionist New Apostolic Reformation figure Jim Garlow.

Lammott’s Exodus Church in Wichita is a member of the Communion of Reformed Evangelical Churches, a network founded by hard-right Christian nationalist and Pete Hegseth spiritual mentor Doug Wilson.

Lammott is an example of religious-right leaders’ habit of demeaning the faith of Christians who don’t share their religious and political worldview. He wrote an open letter attacking Democratic Senate candidate Adam Hamilton, pastor of the largest United Methodist church in the country, and calling on him to drop out of the Senate race “rather than carry the name of Christ into an office you intend to use to mock God by shielding those who desire the blood of the innocent.”

In his Washington Stand commentary, Lammott cites the biblical book of Revelation . . . 
 
Continue @ RWW.

FRC Commentary 🪶Church Must Bring ‘Crown Rights Of King Jesus’ Over ‘Every Sphere Of Society’

Lynx By Ten To The Power Of Two Thousand One Hundred And Forty

 

A Morning Thought @ 3311

 


Pastords @ 68

Anthony McIntyre ☠  Up until Benjamin Netanyahu, who has held the position for a total of thirteen years, Israel's longest serving Prime minister was its first, David Ben-Gurion. 

He too was a mass murderer responsible for the Nakba of 1948, described as follows by Middle East Eye:

In a premeditated military campaign, Zionist forces killed thousands of Palestinians, destroyed hundreds of villages and forcibly expelled 80 percent of the Palestinian population from their homeland. After more than a year of relentless violence, the newly created State of Israel captured 78 percent of historic Palestine. The remaining 22 percent, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, were occupied by Israel 19 years later and remain under Israeli military rule. 

This week's elections in Israel saw two prominent Kapo leaders Benjamin Netanyahu and Gadi Eisenkot battle it out with each other for primacy. For victims of Israel atrocity the electoral battle must appear as something akin to Hitler versus Himmler for the leadership of Nazi Germany. Not much hope could have emerged from that for Jews trapped in Nazi talons, where the left claw will rip and tear children apart as readily and as mercilessly as the right.

Honesty and Netanyahu are not mutual concepts. They repel each other. Yet, the New Arab usefully identified an element of honesty in its observation: 

Netanyahu and the parties to his right are the most honest expression of the Israeli state: a state founded on ethnic cleansing and sustained through racism, apartheid, and genocide. Others dress this reality in the language of democracy, coexistence, and peace. Netanyahu does not bother.

Those holding out hope that Eisenkot will change much need not hold their breath. Leader of the so called centrist party, Yashar, he is a former chief of staff of the Israeli Army. When chief of Northern Command in Lebanon in 2006, he formulated the Dahiya Doctrine, named after a Beirut suburb destroyed by the Israel Occupation Forces, killing over a thousand civilians. The IDF lust for child murder ensured that the youngest were not spared. Over a third of those killed were children. If there is anything the Israelis genuinely believe from the Hebrew Bible, the Torah, it is the Passover where the firstborn of Egyptian families were murdered. A cruel good for a cruel people.

Eisenkot's accusers had no need to spell out the barbaric strategic logic behind the Dahiya doctrine, he did it himself:

What happened in the Dahiya quarter of Beirut in 2006 will happen in every village from which Israel is fired on . . .We will apply disproportionate force on it (village) and cause great damage and destruction there. From our standpoint, these are not civilian villages, they are military bases . . . This is not a recommendation. This is a plan. And it has been approved.

The outstanding Israeli journalist Gideon Levy days before the election warned that if Netanyahu were to win it would be disastrous. Yet, there is nothing to suggest that defeat for Netanyahu would result in a situation that would be in any way less disastrous,  or substantively different from what currently exists. 

Little can change as a result of an election in which:

over 77% of Israelis voted for right-wing and far-right parties, around 15%, largely Palestinian citizens of Israel, backed the Arab parties, and just 6.51% voted for the Zionist left.

What the election will do if Netanyahu is replaced as Prime Minister is give many in the West an opportunity to look away That includes our own government which seems hyper-aware of the truism that it is hard to get a government to see what is in front of its nose when staying within the cosy club depends on it not seeing what is in front of its nose.  

There is absolutely no reason for Drogheda Stands With Palestine or any of the other solidarity groups across the country to take the foot off the pedal if Eisenkot becomes Prime Minister of Kapo country.  The opposite is true. This government will use any opportunity to turn on Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza, treating them much the same as they have treated its students and young footballers seeking to come to Ireland while never once bothering itself to scrutinise IDF terrorists who can enter freely. The New Arab lays out concisely what any new regime offers.

Eisenkot and figures like him do not oppose the system so much as manage its image. Their objection to Ben-Gvir and Smotrich is not that Palestinian rights are being denied, but that the denial has become too visible, too crude and too damaging to Israel’s standing abroad.

We are standing here each week of the year, to ensure that Israel in this part of abroad has zero  standing.
 
⏩Follow on Bluesky.

No Standing

Geordie Morrow 🖌 with a painting from his collection of art work.

Oil on canvas 16”x16”

⏩Geordie Morrow is a Belfast artist.

Who By Fire

Muiris Ó Súilleabháin ✍ There is a certain amount of justifiable schadenfreude in witnessing the fragmentation of the once-monolithic unionist bloc which, under various political guises, exercised power in the North from the foundation of the state.

The electoral dominance of a single unionist party has come to an end. As a republican I welcome the demise of any political monopoly on power. Yet there is a flipside to this development that many who aspire to Irish unity, including those who profess a commitment to an Irish republic, appear reluctant to confront.

It is now time to throw a few fragmentation grenades into the discourse.

Political unionism may be fragmenting, its traditional parties increasingly divided and competing for an electorate that no longer displays the unquestioning loyalty of previous generations, but this should not be mistaken for a corresponding decline in support for the Union. Nor, more importantly, has it translated into any sustained increase in support for Irish unity since the signing of the Good Friday Agreement in 1998.

And therein lies an awkward political reality that constitutional nationalism and republicanism alike have yet to acknowledge. Almost three decades after the Good Friday Agreement, the erosion of unionist electoral hegemony and the emergence of Sinn Féin as the largest party in the North have failed to produce a demonstrable majority in favour of Irish unity. The political balance between parties has shifted considerably, but the constitutional position remains unchanged.

The fragmentation of political unionism may provide some understandable satisfaction to those old enough to remember the horrors of its former dominance, but mistaking the electoral decline of unionist parties with the constitutional decline of the Union is a dangerous exercise in political self-deception.

Political unionism seems incapable of doing anything other than plucking defeat from the jaws of victory. By reigniting the Drumcree debacle in 2026, Unionism has provided Sinn Féin with an unexpected political lifeline. At a time when the party's electoral fortunes appeared to be waning, unionism has managed to breathe renewed vitality and optimism into its principal political opponent, restoring something of Sinn Féin's standing within the Catholic, nationalist and republican community.

There can be little doubt that Michelle O'Neill is now well placed to return as First Minister following the May 2027 Assembly election, assuming, of course, that the Executive survives that long. And, remarkably, she probably has Jamie Bryson to thank for helping to reinvigorate her party during a period of political stagnation.

Indeed, when the history of the North is eventually written, I would not be in the least surprised to discover, in some wonderfully improbable twist of political satire, that Jamie had been recruited by the IRA as a sleeper agent. His extraordinary knack for leading unionism into one gut-reaction political cul-de-sac after another is astonishing. Were he deliberately attempting to advance Sinn Féin's electoral fortunes, it is difficult to imagine how he could be any more effective.

The ultimate irony, however, is that while Bryson and his fellow travellers may be doing Sinn Féin's electoral work for it, Sinn Féin itself is doing precious little to advance the cause of Irish unity. The electoral fortunes of Sinn Féin and the constitutional future of the North remain two very different questions; however enthusiastically constitutional republicans might wish to conflate them.

The Westminster Retreat

Sinn Féin's decision to run several of its Westminster MPs as candidates in the 2027 Assembly election is, in my view, indicative of two significant developments within the party.

Firstly, there appears to be a belated recognition that dispatching some of its supposed political heavyweights to the Palace of Westminster has achieved precious little beyond securing the much-coveted financial resources. Secondly, and perhaps more importantly, it suggests an emerging appreciation that the political battleground upon which any future border poll will be won or lost is not Westminster, Dublin or the international diplomatic circuit, but the North itself.

Despite the triumphant rhetoric surrounding Michelle O'Neill's elevation to First Minister, Sinn Féin's first period as the largest party in the Executive has been characterised by a conspicuous absence of political ambition or achievement.

I am told that an internal party review reached a similarly embarrassing conclusion, recognising both the limited political return from its Westminster operation and the increasingly obvious shortage of political talent within its Assembly team.

If that account is accurate, the decision to redeploy experienced Westminster figures to Stormont is more than routine electoral manoeuvring. It amounts to an acknowledgement that the party's much-celebrated electoral success has not been matched by its performance in governing the North.

Those shortcomings have been painfully apparent. The spectacle of Sinn Féin ministers and MLAs being routinely wrong-footed by the likes of Phillip Brett, Jonathan Buckley and Timothy Gaston has hardly inspired confidence in a party that presents itself as the government-in-waiting in the South.

Whatever one's view of their politics, these otherwise underwhelming unionist representatives have demonstrated an ability to interrogate policy, expose inconsistencies and exploit the weaknesses of their partners in government, who frequently appear ill-equipped and unable to respond.

Similarly, the excruciatingly painful performance of Sinn Féin's Assembly team has exposed a glaring absence of political talent. Its MLAs appear incapable of dissecting legislation, articulating coherent positions or subjecting political opponents to any meaningful scrutiny.

These shortcomings have been equally apparent among the party's ministers, where crude political messaging has too often been substituted for competence, and the ability to repeat a carefully rehearsed party position has been mistaken for the capacity to defend it.

These weaknesses have not gone unnoticed by the SDLP opposition under the leadership of Matthew O'Toole at Stormont. O'Toole has repeatedly demonstrated the value of detailed policy knowledge, effective scrutiny and the ability to construct an argument that extends beyond the familiar sectarian slogans.

In doing so, O'Toole has exposed one of Sinn Féin's fundamental weaknesses: electoral dominance does not automatically confer political competence, and holding the office of First Minister is no substitute for effective political ambition.

Making History, But to What End?

Sinn Féin has spent almost three decades confusing the acquisition of political office with the advancement of its once-republican objective.

Its core electoral message has scarcely evolved over 30 years. From its earliest electoral breakthroughs to its most recent campaigns, the appeal to voters remains essentially the same: make history by voting for Sinn Féin. Vote for us or you will get them. Yet surely the more pertinent question is not whether voting for Sinn Féin will make history, but what difference it will actually make.

When Chris Hazzard launched his Strangford campaign in the salubrious surroundings of the Montalto Estate, and when Sinn Féin unveiled its four for West Belfast campaign in the publicly funded Ionad Eileen Howell, the well-worn electoral battle cry of making history was once again centre stage.

Consider Hazzard's candidacy in Strangford. If elected, what would he actually do differently from the incumbent Alliance Party MLA he hopes to displace? What distinctive policies would he advance, what improvements in public services would he deliver, and how would his election bring the achievement of an Irish Republic any closer?

Similarly, returning four Sinn Féin MLAs in West Belfast would have precisely the same impact on the endemic child poverty, housing stress and unemployment that have plagued the constituency for generations as their previous electoral victories have had. Strip away the symbolism, the party branding and the bullshit historical rhetoric, and the answer is apparent: none whatsoever.

Sinn Féin has become extraordinarily adept at presenting its own electoral advancement as a historic achievement in itself, and the electorate has, for now, bought into that premise. But the time will surely come when the party is asked to explain what tangible political or social change that advancement has actually delivered. Winning another seat, securing another ministry or returning another First Minister has become both the means and the end of its political strategy.

The electorate is no longer being asked to endorse a programme of fundamental societal transformation, but merely to participate in the continued electoral advancement of Sinn Féin, with the vague assurance that history is somehow being made in the process.

The Constitutional Reckoning

Ultimately, the fragmentation of political unionism and the electoral resurgence of Sinn Féin should not obscure the central political reality that neither bloc appears particularly capable of confronting.

Unionism, despite its seemingly limitless capacity for political self-destruction, continues to defend a constitutional position that retains the majority of public support. It has time to regroup, realign and discover a new generation of political leadership, even if that leadership eventually emerges across two or three parties. Unionism can continue to lose elections, surrender its political dominance and humiliate itself in one entirely avoidable confrontation after another, yet still retain the Union.

Sinn Féin, meanwhile, does not have the same luxury of time. Having mastered the art of winning elections, it must now demonstrate that those victories can deliver the political change it has promised. The electorate in the North is politically astute, but it is also fickle, and electoral loyalty cannot be taken for granted indefinitely.

For all the triumphalism surrounding Michelle O'Neill's elevation to First Minister, the electoral arithmetic and the feverish rhetoric about an imminent border poll, Sinn Féin has failed to deliver any fundamental political change.

Jamie Bryson may yet prove to have contributed more to Sinn Féin's electoral fortunes than some of its own strategists, but what Bryson appears to overlook is that unionism can afford to squander political power while its constitutional objective remains secure.

There is, however, a mirror that Sinn Féin seems equally unwilling to look into. Just as Bryson's antics may have helped reinvigorate the party's electoral fortunes, Sinn Féin's own conduct at Drumcree, its belligerence in the aftermath and its apparent disregard for the institutions of the state, the rule of law and the police service it has pledged to support may yet have unintended electoral consequences.

The danger for Sinn Féin is that its behaviour could provide the catalyst needed to draw the long-dormant garden-centre unionist back into the electoral fray. A section of the electorate that has grown weary of unionism's endless internal quarrels may discover a renewed political motivation, not through any great affection for the traditional unionist parties, but through opposition to Sinn Féin's conduct.

Sinn Féin cannot afford to squander the opportunities presented by unionism's self-inflicted decline, yet that is precisely what it has done. It has turned unionist political incompetence into Sinn Féin electoral success, without translating that success into transformational societal change.

Having spent decades promising to end British rule in Ireland, Sinn Féin has instead found itself with little option but to administer it. Whether the party has chosen to administer it badly, or simply lacks the competence to do otherwise, is a question worth asking.
 
⏩Muiris Ó Súilleabháin was a member of the Republican Movement until he retired in 2006 after 20 years of service. Fiche bhliain ag fás.

The Fragmentation Of Unionism And The Illusion Of Republican Progress