Atheist Ireland ★ There have been nearly three times as many assisted dying legalisations in the past ten years as in the previous twenty.

23-September-2026


So what arguments have proved most persuasive in the past decade?

Assisted dying has been legalised, either by statute or courts, in 28 places in the past decade. This includes ten countries (Canada, Italy, Germany, New Zealand, Austria, Spain, Colombia, Ecuador, Uruguay, and France), Jersey, plus ten regional jurisdictions within USA and seven within Australia.

In the previous twenty years, it was legalised in ten places. This included three places in the 1990s (briefly in Australia’s Northern Territory, partially in Colombia, and in Oregon, USA), five in the 2000s (Netherlands, Belgium, Washington State, Luxembourg, and Montana), and two in the early 2010s (Vermont and Quebec).

Fifty years earlier, it was legalised in Switzerland in 1942.


Four persuasive arguments

Courts tend to focus more directly on whether the state should be allowed to interfere with the rights of dying people, while parliaments focus more on the balance between choice, compassion, criteria, safeguards, and palliative care.

Four common persuasive arguments in recent laws have been:

  • The case for personal autonomy is more persuasive when the person is already dying, though the German Court in 2020 did not confine the right to terminal illness. And people empathise more with specific cases of personal suffering than with the principle alone.
  • There is a move towards addressing vulnerability by regulating safeguards, rather than by simply denying people the right to choose. The Canadian law in 2016 followed this distinction which was made by the Supreme Court’s Carter judgment.
  • There is a move against framing assisted dying and palliative care as mutually exclusive alternatives. France in 2026 explicitly strengthened palliative care while also allowing assisted dying for those with serious, incurable, life-threatening conditions.
  • As more laws are passed, there is more experience elsewhere to examine and learn from. This does not resolve every dispute, but it shifts the debate from unquantifiable fears to seeing how regulations work in practice.

With that in mind, here are some lessons from legalisation during the past decade, ranging from Courts that focus more on individual rights to parliaments that focus on balancing rights with safeguards.

National Jurisdictions, 2016-2026

Canada 2016: The Supreme Court in 2015 struck down a blanket ban as it violated the rights to life, liberty and security. It found careful regulation could address the problems of vulnerability. Parliament passed the law in 2016.

Italy 2019: The Constitutional Court created a narrow exemption for assisted suicide. One argument was that Italian law already allowed dying people to refuse life-sustaining treatment and thus suffer a slower death.

Germany 2020: The Federal Constitutional Court struck down a ban on assisted suicide. It ruled this right came under the right to personality and human dignity, and that it was not confined to people with terminal illnesses.

New Zealand 2019-21: Parliament passed the End of Life Choice Act in 2019, a referendum endorsed it by 65% in 2020, and it was enacted in 2021. The people’s vote was on a specific narrow law, not on the principle of assisted dying.

Austria 2020-21: The Constitutional Court struck down a blanket ban in 2020 as depriving a person from carrying out a freely made decision. Parliament passed the law in 2021, not creating euthanasia but regulating assisted suicide.

Spain 2021: Parliament passed a law permitting both assisted suicide and euthanasia in specified circumstances. Spain’s statutory preamble says life and physical integrity must be reconciled with dignity, freedom and personal autonomy.

Colombia 2022: Colombia already allowed euthanasia, and this Constitutional Court judgment decriminalised doctors who assisted competent people to commit suicide. It ruled that the criminal sanction on doctors was disproportionate.

Ecuador 2024: As in Colombia, the Constitutional Court removed criminal liability for a doctor carrying out euthanasia under specified conditions following a competent patient’s request. This was based on dignity, autonomy, and proportionality.

Uruguay 2025: Parliament passed a law to allow dying with dignity, connecting assisted dying with autonomous choice in the face of terminal or irreversible conditions, unbearable suffering and serious deterioration in quality of life.

France 2026: Parliament passed two laws, one that explicitly strengthened palliative care, and another that allowed people to self-administer assisted dying for incurable, life-threatening conditions. This was preceded by a citizens’ convention and upheld by the Constitutional Council.

Jersey 2026: The States Assembly passed a law following a Citizens’ Jury. It confined assisted dying to people with terminal illness, and committed to end-of-life and palliative care. It is due to commence in late 2027.

USA Regions, 2016-2026

Assisted dying was first legalised in Oregon in 1997. It has become the blueprint for assisted dying laws in USA. It has never been expanded beyond terminal illness. Palliative care has continued alongside access to assisted dying.

Four more US States allowed assisted dying before 2016. These were Washington in 2008, Montana in 2009, Vermont in 2013, and California in 2015. In the past ten years, another nine States and District of Columbia have joined the list.

In the second half of the 2010s, five States and DC legalised assisted dying. California in 2016 largely followed the Oregon model, Colorado in 2016 built in safeguards that reassured voters, the District of Colombia Act in 2017 explicitly excluded euthanasia, Hawai’i in 2018 and New Jersey in 2019 required multiple healthcare providers, and Maine in 2019 required monitoring of how the law operated.

So far in the 2020s, four more US States have legalised assisted dying. New Mexico in 2021 emphasised dignity, free will, suffering and peace of mind, Delaware in 2025 focused on a regulated end-of-life option, Illinois in 2025 said assisted dying complements, rather than displaces palliative care, and New York in 2026 said the law allowed people to shorten not their lives, but their deaths.

Australian Regions, 2017-2024

Legalisation in Australia all happened through regional parliaments, starting with Victoria in 2017 and ending with the Australian Capital Territory in 2024. This meant later laws could follow earlier Australian laws rather than rely on international examples.

Victoria in 2017 followed a major parliamentary inquiry and an expert panel, which reassured wavering legislators. It focused on autonomy, relief of suffering, and safeguards.

Western Australia in 2019 began with an inquiry themed My Life, My Choice. It also explicitly recommended improving palliative care. In 2021, Tasmania, South Australia, and Queensland broadly followed the Victorian model.

New South Wales passed a law in 2022, allowing choice for competent people who are dying, with safeguards for vulnerable people, and backed by the evidence of assisted dying already operating elsewhere in Australia.

The Australian Capital Territory passed a law in 2024. It was based on dignity, human rights, community consultation, and people make choices consistent with their values.

Conclusion

There have been twice as many assisted dying legalisations in the past ten years as in the previous twenty. So what arguments have proved most persuasive in the past decade?

  • The case for personal autonomy is strongest when the person is already dying.
  • There is a move towards addressing vulnerability by regulating safeguards.
  • There is a move against framing assisted dying and palliative care as mutually exclusive.
  • As more laws are passed, there is more experience elsewhere to examine and learn from.

Hopefully parliamentarians will take these lessons on board as campaigns continue to legalise assisted dying in other jurisdictions.

Atheist Ireland supports the right to live well while dying. People who want to live as long as they can should get the best medical resources. And people who want to die peacefully at a time of their choosing should be able to do so.

When laws recognise this balance, fewer people will suffer needlessly, more people will have a greater quality of life while dying, and everybody will have their personal conscience respected with safeguards to protect the rights of others.

Keep up with Atheist Ireland.

Assisted Dying Laws Multiply 🪶 28 In The Past Ten Years, 10 In The Previous Twenty

Ukraine Solidarity Group ✊ A Digest of News from Ukrainian Sources ⚔  8-November-2026.

In this week’s bulletin

⬤ More evidence of Russian torture.
⬤ Russia’s withdraws from the European Convention for the Prevention of Torture.
⬤ Statement on the persecution of Ukrainian journalists.
⬤ French trade union solidarity with Ukraine.

News from the territories occupied by Russia

Russia causes the death of Kharkiv teacher illegally held in solitary confinement in Crimea (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, November 6th)

54-year-old Serhiy Diachuk has multiple rib fractures after two years in secret Russian FSB captivity (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, November 6th)

The Face of Resistance: The Story of Political Prisoner Eldar Yakubov (Crimea Platform, November 6th)

Called up for Russian army service and forced to sing Russian national anthem: 13 children and teenagers rescued from occupation (Ukrainska Pravda, November 6th)

Weekly update on the situation in occupied Crimea (Crimea Platform, November 3rd)

Crimean Tatar mother of three sentenced to 12.5 years for a donation to Ukraine’s Armed Forces (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, November 2nd)

News from Ukraine

Kyiv faces extremely difficult situation with electricity, heating and water (Ukrainska Pravda, November 7th)

Suspects in high-profile case discussed acid attack on Ukraine's top investigative journalist (Kyiv Independent, November 6th)

How Ukraine’s security service sought access to the Anti-Corruption Court’s restricted database (Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, November 6th)

Khinprom drug cartel planned to bribe former minister Klymenko through his associates – Ukraine’s anti-corruption bureau (Ukrainska Pravda, November 6th)

Ukraine’s anti-corruption court orders probe into prominent Zelensky ally (Kyiv Independent, November 5th)

Here’s what we know three days after the clash at a temporary base for the National Guard’s Azov Corps outside Kyiv (Meduza, November 5th)

Forty people confirmed killed in Russian aerial bomb attack on school in Komyshuvakha – photos, video (Ukrainska Pravda, November 4th)

Crowd gathers outside house near Kyiv where mobilized troops and AWOL soldiers were being held. Clashes erupt, shots are fired, and Zelensky’s chief of staff intervenes (Meduza, November 3rd)

Russia bombs humanitarian aid distribution site in Southern Ukraine, killing 31. More than 40 people remain missing (Meduza, November 3rd)

War-related news from Russia

Russian regions have slashed payments to families of soldiers killed in Ukraine by up to 20 times (Ukrainska Pravda, November 6th)

A foreigner is arrested in Moscow on charges of mercenarism. His namesake served in the Armed Forces of Ukraine (Mediazona, November 6th)

At least 350 Russian conscripts have been killed in the war with Ukraine. Here is the list of their names (Mediazona, November 6th)

Russian losses in the war with Ukraine. Mediazona count, updated (Mediazona, November 6th)

Investigation finds Russia's billboards featuring troops fighting in Ukraine include men with criminal convictions and soldiers accused of war crimes (Meduza, November 6th)

Russia’s economy is suffering under the weight of war and sanctions. So why is the ruble still one of the world’s strongest currencies? (Meduza, November 6th)

Comment and analysis

Stephen Kinzer’s Boiling Point: How America Brought War to Ukraine – a critical review (Anti-capitalist Musings, November 6th)

Europe’s sanctions on Russia: Riddled with loopholes (Centre for European Policy Analysis, November 6th)

Could Ukraine have made a deal with Russia in 2022? Former foreign minister Dmytro Kuleba on negotiations (Ukrainska Pravda, November 2nd)

Oil on the water: How Russia avoided accountability for the Black Sea tanker disaster caused by its sanctions evasion efforts (The Insider, November 2nd)

Research of human rights abuses

Russia abducts husband of Zaporizhzhia Nuclear Power Plant employee whom it sentenced to 14.5 years on insane charges (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, November 5th)

Valentyn Vyhivsky endured torture, years in solitary confinement and is still captive in Russia after his sentence (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, November 4th)

Ukrainian POW ‘dies’ in Russian prison as Moscow abandons vital convention against torture (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, November 3rd)

Crimean held incommunicado and beaten for 6 months, then sentenced to 15 years in an afternoon (Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, November 2nd)

Statement on the International Day to End Impunity for Crimes against Journalists (Zmina, November 2nd)

International solidarity

Eight French trade union federations speak out in solidarity with Ukraine (USC, November 7th)

Marseille Appeal: Defeat Russian Imperialism, by the Antifascist Platform against Russian Imperialism (Left Renewal, November 4th)

KVPU appeals to the international trade union community over Russia's escalating aggression against Ukraine (KVPU, November 4th)

Also not to be missed

100 years ago Kyiv's young writers sought artistic freedom. Stalin’s purges cut their experiment short. (Kyiv Independent, November 7th)

Trump’s new Ukraine proposal could push Putin to escalate the war (ZN,UA, November 7th)

Trump’s diesel deal with Russia falls apart as tankers change course (ZN,UA, November 5th)

To end war on Ukraine, Washington must revoke its Russian diesel licence and block Novatek’s Alaska gas plans (Razom We Stand, November 5th)

Opinion: Putin’s diesel won't fix Alaska's fuel bill, but it will pay for attacks on Ukraine (Razom We Stand, November 2nd)

Upcoming events

Tuesday10 November, 6.30pm Life Under Russian Occupation: Stories from Ukraine. Meeting with Anhelina Zinovieva (Donetsk), Sofia Naumenko (Mariupol), Daniil Shapovalo (Luhansk). Queen Mary, University of London. Hosted by Ukrainian Society and the Centre for Eurasian, Russian, and East European Studies (CEREES)

Wednesday 11 November 7.00pm. Public meeting: Stand with the people of Ukraine. Meeting with Oleksandr Kyselov (Sotsialnyi Rukh Ukraine). Somers Town Community Hall, 150 Ossulston St, NW1 1EE. Hosted by Anti-Capitalist Resistance

Friday 13 November 6.00pm. Meeting: The US midterms, Ukraine and the fight against fascism. with Tanya Vyhovsky, Vermont State Senator (Progressive / Democratic), and Dylan Burns, journalist, streamer and founder of Track Ukraine. Hosted by Ukraine Solidarity Campaign. Register here


🔴This bulletin is put together by labour movement activists in solidarity with Ukrainian resistance. More information at Ukraine Information Group.

We are also on twitter. Our aim is to circulate information in English that to the best of our knowledge is reliable. If you have something you think we should include, please send it to 2U022ukrainesolidarity@gmail.com.


We are now on Facebook and Substack! Please subscribe and tell friends. Better still, people can email us at 2022ukrainesolidarity@gmail.com, and we’ll send them the bulletin direct every Monday. The full-scale Russian assault on Ukraine is going into its third year: we’ll keep information and analysis coming, for as long as it takes.

The bulletin is also stored on line here.

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News From Ukraine 💣 Bulletin 220

National Secular Society ★ Children are individuals with rights that should be respected', says General Medical Council guidance.

In a first, the medical regulator has taken a doctor to tribunal after he circumcised a seven year old boy but allegedly "failed to involve the child in the decision-making process".

Nottingham GP Dr Balvinder Mehat is accused of misconduct after he allegedly also failed to obtain the father's consent before the procedure.

The National Secular Society, which campaigns to protect all children from forced genital cutting, welcomed the move. It said doctors "should defer all decisions about non-therapeutic circumcision until the individual is old enough to provide informed consent, based on his own values".

Boy left "in agony" following circumcision

The boy's mother asked Mehat to circumcise the boy for "spiritual and cultural reasons" in 2022. The parents were married but separated, and the father did not want the boy to be circumcised.

Guidance on religious circumcision from the medical regulator, the General Medical Council (GMC), says doctors "should get the child's consent if they have the maturity and understanding to give it.

"If not, you should get consent from all those with parental responsibility."

Continue @ NSS. 

Regulator 🪶 Doctor Should Have Asked Boy’s Views Before Circumcision

Merrion Press 🔖 has published a new book by Mario Rosenstock.




GIFT GRUB & ME
My Life in Comedy

MARIO ROSENSTOCK


In this unfiltered, sharp-witted, and hugely entertaining memoir, Gift Grub’s Mario Rosenstock invites readers behind the microphone to explore the unique journey that made him one of Ireland’s most distinctive comedic voices. From his formative years in rural Waterford to an unexpected and often serendipitous rise in entertainment, Mario traces the defining moments, risks, and instincts that have shaped his rollercoaster career.

With trademark hilarity and candour, he reveals the creative process behind his iconic impressions and reflects on the evolution of Irish satire over the decades. Along the way, readers are treated to vivid behind-the-scenes stories, hilarious and memorable encounters with well-known personalities – from Jose Mourinho to Roy Keane and Gay Byrne – and the many wonderful highs and lows of life in the public eye.

Blending laugh-out-loud moments with genuine introspection, Gift Grub & Me is more than a comedy memoir – it’s a portrait of an artist driven by curiosity, resilience, and a keen ear for the absurd. Insightful, warm, and irresistibly funny, this is an essential read for fans and newcomers alike.

Hardback • €22.99|£19.99 • 256 pages • 226mm x 153mm • 9781785376061
Get your copy

About The Author

Mario Rosenstock is an award-winning Irish comedian, impressionist, actor and writer, best known for creating and starring in Today FM’s Gift Grub. A Trinity College graduate, he began in television with roles in Glenroe and films before rising to fame on Ian Dempsey’s show. Renowned for sharp satire and celebrity impressions, he has won 16 IMRO awards, entered the Radio Hall of Fame, and continues to sell out live shows.

Out Now 📚 Mario Rosenstock

Right Wing Watch 👀Written by Peter Montgomery.


Jason Rapert, founder and president of the Christian nationalist National Association of Christian Lawmakers, has issued a 16-page open letter calling on Americans to respond to the midterm election results with “repentance, fasting, and prayer.” He warns that Americans “are inviting calamity in our country and this could destroy our nation if we do not repent and turn back to God.”

Before the election, Raperts begged conservative Christians to vote, saying, “If the powers of darkness can get the lever of power in the United States government, we are in for some of the worst period in our history that we will have ever experienced.” Rapert is a former state legislature who led an anti-LGBTQ pro-censorship war against the Arkansas State Library Board. Before the 2024 election, he declared that God was using President Donald Trump “as a tool to save our country at this moment,”

Rapert's missive paints a dire portrait of America’s post-election future. “The most radical democrats ever elected to office in our country will now have access to government information and the ability to make changes within our country in ways that have never happened before,” he writes. 
 
Continue @ RWW.

Christian Nationalist Leader Issues ‘Call To Repentance’ After GOP Crushed In Midterms

Lynx By Ten To The Power Of Two Thousand One Hundred And Fifty Four

 

Pastords @ 71

 

A Morning Thought @ 3325

Muiris Ó Súilleabháin ✍ So, as predicted, the Assembly election of 2027 is to be fought as a sectarian headcount. 

“No Going Back” is to be Sinn Féin's war cry in yet another election that we are already being told is the most important in generations.

Who can blame Sinn Féin for scoring into the open goal presented to them once again by political Unionism.

The cynic in me doesn't believe that this election will be the defining moment of a generation. We have heard that far too often before. The pessimist in me is dumbfounded at how politics in the North remains so stubbornly binary, with every election still reduced to another contest between orange and green. The realist in me recognises that, whatever the outcome in May, very little is likely to change, if anything at all.

And the sceptic in me is left wondering what exactly Sinn Féin is promising we will never go back to.

Is Sinn Féin warning us about a return to unionist domination before 1972? Because that political order is well and truly buried, nowhere more visibly than in 2007, when Ian Paisley and Martin McGuinness took office together as First Minister and deputy First Minister. Whatever else one thinks of the Good Friday Agreement, the sight of those two men sharing power was a fairly conclusive demonstration that the old Stormont was not coming back.

Or perhaps “No Going Back” means no return to the war.

Was it not Michelle O'Neill herself who, during the recent Drumcree debacle, questioned how the entire peace process was working? A dispute over an Orange parade was apparently sufficient to bring twenty-eight years of political progress into question.

I have no particular affection for the Good Friday Agreement or the institutions it produced, but I do distinguish between the political settlement and the peace that accompanied it. The former can and should be challenged. The latter is not something to be casually invoked whenever a political dispute becomes difficult.

There is no credible prospect of conflict returning to the north any more than there is of the old unionist hegemony re-emerging.

Yet we are apparently expected to believe that both remain sufficiently plausible to justify another election fought around the fears of the past.

Worryingly I believe that “No Going Back” is really about ensuring that a unionist never again occupies the First Minister's office. If that is the proposition, then it is an inherently sectarian one. The office has precisely the same powers regardless of who occupies it.

To suggest that a nationalist First Minister represents progress while a unionist First Minister represents regression is to judge societal advancement by the constitutional and or religious identity of the officeholder rather than anything they actually do.

What neither the DUP or Sinn Fein cannot say is “No Going Back” to child poverty, because child poverty has never gone away. It cannot say it about homelessness, unemployment, poor health outcomes or educational inequality, because these problems remain firmly embedded in the jurisdiction both have spent years administering.

For all the talk of historic progress, our most disadvantaged communities remain trapped in circumstances that would have been depressingly familiar to their parents and grandparents. The occupants of Stormont's highest offices may change, the political parties may swap places, and each may celebrate its turn at the top table. But for those living in poverty and disadvantage, precious little changes.

The reality, as I see it, is that No Going Back is little more than a scaremongering tactic, designed to divert attention from the record of a First Minister who promised to be a First Minister for all, and a party that, despite becoming the largest in the North, has failed to deliver on any of the fundamental changes it promised at the last historic, once-in-a-generation election.

Having failed to deliver the transformation it promised last time, Sinn Féin now asks the electorate to believe that everything depends on returning it to office once again. Apparently, every election is historic, every victory is a watershed and every five years we are asked to believe that the real change is just around the corner.

Perhaps it is time to judge Sinn Féin not by what it promises will happen if it loses, but by what has actually happened while it has been in government.

Big-house nationalism, as epitomised by Sinn Féin, has become remarkably comfortable in the institutions it once promised to dismantle. Somewhere between the ministerial offices, the official cars and the trappings of government, it appears to have forgotten where it came from, never mind where it was supposed to be going.

I suspect the coming months will bring the familiar distractions. The Brits will be blamed, the DUP will be blamed, and I wouldn't be surprised if the securocrats made a guest appearance. There will be plenty of talk about who is standing in the way of progress, but rather less about what Sinn Féin has actually achieved with the political power it already possesses.

For a party that once promised to change the constitutional future of Ireland, it now seems remarkably preoccupied with ensuring that nothing changes at the top of Stormont.

The old republican ambition has given way to the more immediate concern of keeping Michelle O'Neill in the First Minister's office.

And therein lies the absurdity of “No Going Back”. A unionist First Minister would not take the North back to 1972, any more than a Sinn Féin First Minister has taken us into the Republic.

⏩Muiris Ó Súilleabháin was a member of the Republican Movement until he retired in 2006 after 20 years of service. Fiche bhliain ag fás.

No Going Back

Geordie Morrow 🖌 with a glimpse at his workstation.


⏩Geordie Morrow is a Belfast artist.

1 Year Later

Cam Ogie ✍ When selective outrage, sectarian entitlement and political hypocrisy masquerade as a defence of democracy.

Carla Lockhart's letter to The Irish News presents itself as a principled defence of equality before the law, mutual tolerance and the democratic rights of competing communities. Yet beneath this carefully constructed appeal to fairness lies something considerably less admirable: a selective interpretation of events, an extraordinary rewriting of what happened at Scarva, and an apparent inability to distinguish between equality and the historical expectation that unionist preferences should prevail.

Her central argument is that unionists are expected to obey the law while nationalists are permitted to disregard it.

It is an accusation designed to sound reasonable, even-handed and constitutionally respectable.

Unfortunately for Ms Lockhart, both her own conduct at Scarva and the legal assessment of the Policing Board's Human Rights Advisor expose serious weaknesses in her argument.

Indeed, the most remarkable feature of her letter is that she lectures nationalists about respecting the law while apparently overlooking a fundamental question: what if the nationalist protesters she accuses of lawbreaking were, in fact, exercising rights protected by that very law?

Scarva: The Village the Marchers Did Not Enter

Let us begin with the most elementary fact, one which Lockhart's account conspicuously fails to emphasise.

The Great March for Gaza did not march through the streets of Scarva village. It travelled along the Newry Canal towpath, passing beside the village rather than processing through its residential streets.

This is not a minor geographical technicality. It goes to the very heart of her argument.

The marchers were exercising their right to peaceful assembly along an established public route. They were not demanding to parade through a predominantly unionist residential district against the wishes of its inhabitants.

Indeed, the Parades Commission imposed conditions preventing participants from entering Scarva village.

Yet Lockhart describes the procession in terms that encourage readers to imagine a nationalist incursion into a unionist community.

The distinction matters enormously.

If the marchers were not entering the village, what precisely was the intolerable intrusion that justified such hostility?

Was it the presence of Palestinian flags? Was it the political message? Or was it the uncomfortable reality that people holding views different from those of some unionists were exercising their lawful rights within sight of a unionist village?

A community's political identity does not confer ownership over every public route passing alongside it.

Nor does a unionist majority possess a veto over peaceful political expression merely because it finds that expression objectionable.

Lockhart herself insists that local majorities should not enjoy such a veto. Yet when a Palestine solidarity march passed Scarva, she chose to stand with those opposing it.

Apparently, the principle is rather more flexible when applied to her own community.

Standing With Her Constituents — But Which Ones?

Perhaps the most revealing contradiction concerns Lockhart's explanation of her presence at Scarva.

She defended herself by insisting that she was standing with her constituents and representing her community.

But who exactly constitutes her community?

Upper Bann is not an exclusively unionist constituency. Its electorate includes nationalists, republicans, people of other political persuasions and individuals who reject traditional constitutional divisions altogether.

So, it is entirely reasonable to assume that some of those participating in the Palestine solidarity march were also her constituents.

Were they somehow less deserving of representation?

Did their entitlement to the support and protection of their elected MP diminish because they carried Palestinian flags rather than Union flags?

In her letter, Lockhart declares that she represents everyone in Upper Bann without fear or favour.

Those words would carry considerably more credibility had she demonstrated that principle at Scarva.

She could have remained politically neutral between the two demonstrations while defending the right of both groups to assemble peacefully. She could have condemned intimidation wherever it occurred. She could have publicly acknowledged that those walking for Palestine possessed exactly the same democratic rights as those objecting to their presence.

Instead, she was photographed and filmed alongside masked counter-protesters, communicating with individuals in a crowd from which abuse was being directed at the passing marchers.

Lockhart maintains that she was attempting to de-escalate tensions. That explanation deserves to be heard, but it does not exempt her conduct from scrutiny.

An elected representative who claims to act impartially must be prepared to explain why her visible solidarity was concentrated on one side of a dispute involving people she was elected to represent on both sides.

Her repeated insistence that she stood with her people exposes the central weakness of her argument.

She speaks of representing everyone, but her public conduct at Scarva invites the question of whether everyone means everyone — or simply everyone who shares her political allegiance.

Masked Men, Israeli Flags and the Politics of Intimidation

The circumstances surrounding Lockhart's appearance at Scarva make her subsequent lecture on tolerance particularly difficult to accept.

The counter-demonstration included masked men, while Israeli and Union flags were prominently displayed. Palestine solidarity marchers were subjected to jeering and verbal abuse.

These are not incidental details that can simply be airbrushed from the historical record.

Lockhart was not photographed standing among a gathering distinguished solely by quiet, dignified disagreement. She was present alongside individuals whose behaviour attracted serious public criticism.

The contrast is striking.

On one side of the canal were people walking in solidarity with Palestinians, raising awareness and funds for humanitarian causes.

On the other were counter-protesters, some masked, directing hostility towards those walkers while displaying Israeli flags.

The presence of Israeli flags is particularly relevant because it challenges the suggestion that this was simply a dispute over the rights of a local community.

Why would a march that did not enter Scarva provoke such an overtly political response?

The flags suggest that opposition to the march was not exclusively about geography, residential consent or the Parades Commission.

It was also about Palestine and Israel.

Lockhart is entitled to support Israel. She is entitled to oppose the political message of a Palestine solidarity march. She is entitled to express those opinions publicly.

What she cannot reasonably do is present a politically charged counter-demonstration as though it were concerned exclusively with the neutral application of law.

When the rights of Palestine supporters came into conflict with the hostility of some counter-protesters, Lockhart chose where to stand.

That choice was political.

And the public is entitled to judge it accordingly.

The High Court Correspondence: Condemnation on Paper, Contradictions in Practice

Lockhart's conduct at Scarva subsequently became a matter of controversy during High Court proceedings in July 2026.

Correspondence submitted on her behalf was intended to explain her presence at the counter-demonstration and address criticism arising from her appearance alongside masked individuals.

Through her barrister, Lockhart made clear that she "absolutely condemns appearances by masked persons or any other form of criminality."

That condemnation should be acknowledged. It would be inaccurate to suggest that Lockhart never publicly disapproved of the masked protesters.

But acknowledging her words does not resolve the contradiction between what was said to the court and what the public witnessed at Scarva.

According to the reported proceedings, the judge expressed concerns about the weight that could be placed upon Lockhart's correspondence, having regard to the circumstances of her appearance at the demonstration.

This was not a judicial finding that she had committed an offence, nor proof that she endorsed the behaviour of masked individuals.

It was, however, a significant indication that her written explanation could not simply be accepted without scrutiny.

The more troubling issue concerns the explanation given for her attendance.

The court was reportedly told by her barrister that Lockhart had been "specifically asked by PSNI to attend" the demonstration.

Yet subsequent reporting stated that the PSNI denied having invited elected political representatives to attend.

If those accounts are accurately reported, the contradiction is considerable.

There is an obvious difference between an elected representative deciding independently to attend a politically charged counter-demonstration and attending because the police specifically requested her presence.

The former is a political decision for which she must accept responsibility.

The latter suggests that her attendance was undertaken at the request of the authorities, potentially lending it a degree of official legitimacy.

Both accounts appear difficult to reconcile and warrant clarification.

It is possible that there was some form of communication or engagement with police which Lockhart interpreted differently. But that possibility does not remove the need to reconcile the reported assurance given to the court with the PSNI's subsequent position.

And the contradiction becomes particularly relevant when considering Lockhart's present insistence that those participating representatives must respect legal processes and accept the authority of public institutions.

If she expects nationalists to demonstrate absolute respect for the law, surely she should welcome equally rigorous scrutiny of representations made on her behalf during legal proceedings.

Her condemnation of masked protesters also raises a more immediate question.

If she found their appearance so objectionable, why was she photographed communicating with individuals among them, and what practical steps did she take at the time to challenge the intimidating atmosphere?

Engaging with masked individuals does not, by itself, establish approval of their conduct. It could be consistent with an attempt to calm tensions.

But it is reasonable to ask whether her actions matched the strength of her subsequent condemnation.

Her written condemnation of masked protesters is welcome, and her explanation that she attended Scarva in an attempt to de-escalate tensions should be acknowledged. However, neither removes the legitimate questions surrounding her decision to attend, her interactions with those present, or the political circumstances that placed her at the centre of the controversy.

The question is not whether Lockhart eventually condemned masked protesters. She did. The question is whether her conduct at Scarva demonstrated the same unambiguous opposition to intimidation that her correspondence subsequently expressed.

That is a legitimate question of political accountability, and one her latest lecture on equality before the law makes all the more pertinent.

Garvaghy Road: The Legal Opinion Lockhart's Argument Cannot Ignore

Perhaps the most damaging challenge to Lockhart's letter comes not from a political opponent, but from the Northern Ireland Policing Board's own Human Rights Advisor, Aonghus Kelly.

According to reporting in The Irish News, Kelly briefed Policing Board members following the September protest on the Garvaghy Road and expressed the opinion that the residents participating in the peaceful protest had not acted unlawfully.

That finding strikes directly at the central premise of Lockhart's argument.

She asks why nationalists should be permitted to break the law while unionists must obey it.

But Kelly's assessment raises a considerably more awkward question for her: what law had the peaceful residents actually broken?

The Policing Board minutes record Kelly's view that the residents' peaceful protest was protected by Article 11 of the European Convention on Human Rights, which guarantees freedom of peaceful assembly and association.

Crucially, Kelly did not suggest that the Orange Order lacked those same rights.

He explicitly acknowledged that Article 11 also extended to the Orange Order.

That is what genuine equality before the law looks like: recognition that competing groups possess rights which must be considered and balanced, rather than an assumption that one group's rights automatically extinguish those of another.

Kelly further advised that the PSNI was obliged to seek the least restrictive means of accommodating both parties, employing only the minimum force necessary.

He also warned that Article 11 would not permit the police to use unlimited force to facilitate the Orange procession, since disproportionate force would itself be unlawful.

This is an exceptionally important distinction.

A lawful determination permitting a procession does not automatically make every form of opposition unlawful.

Nor does it authorise the police to disregard the human rights of peaceful protesters in order to secure the procession's passage.

The state has obligations towards both groups.

Lockhart's argument largely ignores that reality.

She presents the dispute as though a Parades Commission determination automatically settled every subsequent legal question and rendered opposition illegitimate.

But the European Convention on Human Rights does not operate according to such a simplistic hierarchy.

The rights of those wishing to parade and those wishing to protest must both be respected.

Kelly's opinion is not a binding judicial ruling, and the PSNI has continued investigating possible offences connected with the road blockade. Nevertheless, it is a significant professional legal assessment which directly challenges Lockhart's assumption that the peaceful protesters were necessarily acting unlawfully.

If Lockhart wishes to make obedience to the law the central theme of her argument, she cannot reasonably disregard a legal opinion that complicates her preferred interpretation of events.

The Secretary of State's Intervention: Another Inconvenient Fact

There is another significant omission in Lockhart's presentation of the Garvaghy Road dispute.

The planned Orange Order procession was ultimately prohibited by Secretary of State Chris Bryant following a request from PSNI Chief Constable Jon Boutcher.

That decision followed extensive legal proceedings, a substantial policing operation and serious concerns surrounding the proposed procession.

This was not simply a case of nationalists deciding that a lawful parade should not proceed and thereby defeating the legal process.

The relevant authorities themselves intervened.

The Secretary of State exercised statutory powers to prohibit the procession.

That intervention forms part of the legal and political history of the dispute, whether Lockhart finds it convenient or not.

If her argument is that everyone must accept the lawful decisions of public authorities, then she must acknowledge the significance of the Secretary of State's decision alongside the earlier Parades Commission determination.

She cannot selectively elevate one legal decision while diminishing another simply because the latter frustrated the outcome she preferred.

The law is not a menu from which political representatives may select only those decisions that favour their own community.

The Right to Protest Is Not a Privilege Granted by Unionism

The Committee on the Administration of Justice has also drawn attention to European human rights jurisprudence concerning spontaneous protests.

Daniel Holder has previously explained that, in certain circumstances, the right to organise an immediate protest may override ordinary notification requirements, particularly where delaying the protest would deprive it of its purpose.

This does not mean that every unnotified protest is automatically lawful.

It means that the legality of a protest cannot always be determined merely by asking whether advance notification was submitted.

The circumstances, proportionality of any restrictions and rights of those participating must also be considered.

That distinction is central to the Garvaghy Road controversy.

Lockhart's letter assumes a simple division between law-abiding unionists and lawbreaking nationalists.

Yet the human rights framework governing public assembly is considerably more sophisticated.

Peaceful protest is not an indulgence granted by the authorities to those whose political opinions are acceptable.

It is a fundamental democratic right.

And it applies equally to nationalist residents opposing an Orange procession and unionists opposing a Palestine solidarity march.

The difference is that at Scarva, Lockhart visibly aligned herself with those opposing the march, while at Garvaghy Road she treats opposition to a parade as evidence of nationalist contempt for the law.

That is not a consistent defence of civil liberties.

It is a selective defence of the liberties of those with whom she politically identifies.

Garvaghy Road: History Cannot Be Erased by Calling a Parade Silent

Lockhart attempts to draw a direct comparison between the Palestine march at Scarva and the Orange Order's proposed procession along the Garvaghy Road.

But this comparison collapses under the weight of its own omissions.

The Garvaghy Road dispute did not emerge from an inexplicable nationalist hostility towards Orangemen walking quietly along a public highway.

It arose from a long and deeply contentious history of Orange parading through a predominantly nationalist residential community against the expressed wishes of many of its inhabitants.

That history includes serious sectarian tensions, public disorder, intimidation and bitter disputes over whose rights and wishes were to take precedence.

To reduce all of that to the image of 35 Orangemen walking silently is to strip the dispute of the very context that makes it controversial.

Silence does not erase symbolism.

A procession can be entirely silent and still carry enormous political, historical and communal significance.

Nor does the passage of a parade in a matter of minutes necessarily diminish the experience of residents who regard it as an assertion of unwanted political or cultural dominance.

Lockhart understands perfectly well that public symbols can have meanings beyond their immediate physical presence.

After all, she devotes considerable attention to Irish-language street signs, which she acknowledges some unionists find objectionable.

Yet she seems unwilling to extend the same recognition to nationalist residents who object to Orange parades.

Why should the sensitivities of one community be treated as legitimate cultural concerns while those of another are dismissed as intolerance?

The issue is not whether Orangemen possess rights. They unquestionably do.

The issue is whether those rights must always take precedence over the competing rights of residents.

In a genuinely shared society, neither tradition enjoys automatic supremacy.

Guns, the Provisional IRA and the Politics of Insinuation

Perhaps the most troubling passage in Lockhart's letter is her decision to introduce allegations concerning firearms and the supposed involvement of known Provisional IRA members.

What purpose does this serve?

If there is credible intelligence concerning an identifiable threat, it is a matter for the police and appropriate authorities.

But intelligence assessments, allegations and established criminal facts are not interchangeable.

Lockhart refers to alleged firearms and reports concerning former republican paramilitaries without establishing that the peaceful residents opposing the parade possessed weapons, intended violence or were acting under paramilitary direction.

The distinction is fundamental.

An intelligence assessment concerning the possibility of dissident republicans accessing firearms does not establish that peaceful residents protesting on the Garvaghy Road were armed or intended violence.

Nor is a report that individuals with a past association with the Provisional IRA were present evidence that a protest was directed by that organisation.

Yet by placing these claims alongside her criticism of nationalist opposition, Lockhart invites readers to associate the entire protest with the threat of republican violence.

It is guilt by association dressed up as a security concern.

The effect is to move the discussion away from residents' rights and towards the familiar spectre of republican militancy.

This is a particularly serious rhetorical manoeuvre because it risks delegitimising peaceful civil protest through association with allegations that have not been demonstrated against those participating.

If Lockhart wishes to invoke firearms, she should identify precisely what was alleged, by whom, against whom, and what evidence supports her interpretation.

If she wishes to invoke the Provisional IRA, she should explain what relevance an individual's alleged historical association has to the legality of a peaceful protest today.

Otherwise, such references contribute more heat than light.

And for someone professing a commitment to equality before the law, the presumption that people should be judged by evidence rather than political association ought to be elementary.

Irish-Language Signs: Another Manufactured Equivalence

Lockhart's decision to introduce Irish-language street signs is equally revealing.

What, precisely, does bilingual signage have to do with a Palestine solidarity march or an Orange Order procession?

Very little, except that it provides another opportunity to portray unionists as the perpetual victims of nationalist demands.

Irish is an indigenous language of this island, spoken and valued by people from different political and religious backgrounds.

A bilingual street sign does not prevent an English-speaking resident from reading the street name.

It does not compel anyone to speak Irish.

It does not remove the English-language designation.

And it does not deprive unionists of their own cultural identity.

Lockhart is entitled to scrutinise the fairness of council consultation procedures. But presenting the presence of Irish on a street sign as comparable to a disputed procession through a residential district stretches the meaning of equivalence beyond recognition.

Her argument also invites an uncomfortable question.

Why should the visibility of the Irish language in Northern Ireland be treated as a threat to unionist identity?

If unionism genuinely embraces a shared society, the existence of a language associated with another tradition should not automatically be interpreted as an imposition.

Tolerance cannot mean that one community's cultural symbols are celebrated while another community's symbols must remain invisible unless unionists consent to their appearance.

The Sectarian Arithmetic of 'Our People'

The most revealing feature of Lockhart's letter is not any single allegation. It is the political worldview that holds the argument together.

Again and again, she divides society into unionists and nationalists, presenting the former as a community denied its rights and the latter as a community accustomed to receiving preferential treatment.

Her assertion that unionism must continually surrender while nationalism continually benefits is not a serious account of the complexities of post-1998 Northern Ireland.

It is a political grievance condensed into a slogan.

Rights are not a finite commodity in which recognition for one community necessarily represents a loss for another.

A Palestinian flag does not diminish a Union flag.

An Irish-language street sign does not erase the English language.

And the right of nationalist residents to protest an Orange procession does not extinguish the Orange Order's right to peaceful assembly.

The challenge is to reconcile competing rights, not to declare one tradition the perpetual victim whenever its preferences are challenged.

Lockhart's language repeatedly presents unionism as a collective political identity whose interests she instinctively defends.

That is her democratic right.

But she cannot simultaneously claim that her public conduct is entirely impartial when the practical application of her principles appears to depend so heavily upon which community is exercising the right in question.

The sectarian character of the argument lies in this unequal treatment: the same rights are described as legitimate cultural expression when asserted by one community and as unreasonable provocation when asserted by another.

A Demand for Michelle O'Neill's Removal — And a Convenient Double Standard

Lockhart goes further by arguing that the DUP should have acted to remove First Minister Michelle O'Neill from office.

This is an extraordinary escalation.

Rather than restricting her criticism to the legality of particular actions, she turns a dispute over a parade into a demand for political punishment at the highest level of Northern Ireland's institutions.

Public representatives, including ministers, must comply with the law. Nobody should be exempt from legal accountability.

But the proper response to an alleged breach is to establish the facts, identify the applicable law and follow the relevant legal and constitutional procedures.

It is not to treat political disagreement as sufficient justification for destabilising the institutions.

And here Lockhart's own appearance at Scarva, together with the subsequent High Court correspondence, becomes particularly relevant.

She demands political consequences for Michelle O'Neill over statements concerning the Garvaghy Road protest, despite the Policing Board Human Rights Advisor having expressed the opinion that the peaceful residents did not act unlawfully.

Yet when Lockhart's own conduct at Scarva attracted criticism, her response was to submit an explanation through legal representatives, condemn masked protesters and maintain that her presence was intended to de-escalate tensions.

That explanation is entitled to fair consideration.

But it should also be subjected to the same rigorous scrutiny that she demands of political opponents.

The reported contradiction between the assurance that she was specifically asked by police to attend and the PSNI's subsequent denial that it invited elected representatives is not an insignificant detail.

Nor are the judge's reported concerns about the weight to be attached to her correspondence.

If she believes public office carries a special responsibility to respect the law and maintain confidence in democratic institutions, that responsibility applies equally to her own explanations and conduct.

She cannot demand the severest political consequences for a republican First Minister while treating legitimate questions about her own actions as matters adequately resolved by a written assurance.

Accountability cannot be something demanded of political opponents only. It must be applied consistently, including when questions concern one's own conduct.

The standard she demands of Michelle O'Neill should also inform the conduct of a unionist MP.

If public representatives have a responsibility to discourage intimidation and respect the rights of all communities, that responsibility applies on both sides of the canal.

Equality Is Not the Preservation of Unionist Privilege

The final irony of Lockhart's letter is that it concludes with a declaration of equality before the law.

It is a principle with which every democrat should agree.

But equality cannot be measured by whether unionism gets the outcome it desires.

Nor can it mean that nationalist residents must accept a disputed Orange procession while unionist protesters are entitled to treat a Palestine solidarity march passing outside their village as an intolerable affront.

The events at Scarva expose the weakness of Lockhart's position more effectively than any abstract constitutional argument.

Here was a peaceful procession, subject to Parades Commission conditions, travelling along a canal towpath rather than through the village.

Here were people exercising their democratic right to express solidarity with Palestinians.

And here was an elected MP, who claims to represent all her constituents equally, standing alongside masked opponents of that procession while hostility was directed towards the marchers.

She subsequently condemned masked individuals in correspondence presented to the High Court, but questions remained about the circumstances of her attendance and the reported police invitation.

She insists that her presence was intended to calm tensions.

But the question remains: why did her understanding of community representation appear to extend so visibly to those opposing the march and not to those taking part?

And now, in the aftermath of the Garvaghy Road dispute, a human rights adviser to the Policing Board has expressed the opinion that the peaceful nationalist protesters did not act unlawfully.

That assessment does not settle every legal question surrounding the protest, but it exposes the danger of Lockhart's sweeping accusation that nationalists simply disregarded the law.

Ultimately, this is not simply an argument about Scarva, Drumcree or the Garvaghy Road.

It is an argument about whether equality means genuinely equal rights or merely the preservation of traditional communal expectations under a more respectable vocabulary.

Carla Lockhart asks why unionists must obey the law while nationalists supposedly do not.

A more pertinent question might be why a unionist MP who demands tolerance, impartiality and respect for the rights of others found it so difficult to demonstrate those same principles when peaceful Palestine supporters walked along the opposite bank of the Newry Canal.

Equality before the law is not equality only when the flags, the politics and the people meet with your approval.

And tolerance is not demonstrated merely by demanding it from everyone else while failing to confront the hostility directed towards people exercising the very rights you claim to defend.

Perhaps the real difficulty for Lockhart is not that nationalism refuses to accept equality.

Perhaps it is that equality becomes much harder to accept when it means unionism no longer enjoys an automatic entitlement to prevail.

⏩ Cam Ogie is a Gaelic games enthusiast.

Carla Lockhart 🪶Equality Before The Law 🪶 Provided You Stand On The Right Side Of The Canal