The 1916 Societies give their view of the upcoming Northern elections.
The 1916 Societies note the continuing political crisis in the Six Counties, which began with yet another in-house scandal at Stormont – over a botched energy-efficiency scheme – and has culminated since in the collapse of the Sinn Fein-DUP Coalition and the calling of new elections by British Secretary of State, James Brokenshire.
Our view is that the instability ongoing, with the elections that hope to manage it, reflect bankruptcy on the part of the Stormont project. Its fundamental lack of legitimacy – born of the partition system itself – ensures that perpetual crisis, such as that before us, remains its defining feature. Those subject to the whims of this failed set-up deserve better.
That Stormont is wholly unable to deliver at a time of deepening economic crisis – set only to be exacerbated by the impending arrival of Brexit – adds to the imperative that partition rule, of which Stormont is the lynchpin, give way to the all-Ireland republic. We cannot afford that another generation be held hostage to unworkable partition, whose design is to divide the Irish people that British rule can continue.
In reality, the elections in March will be a meaningless exercise as they cannot resolve the issues at heart – among them the bizarre duality of a political system that entrenches sectarianism at the centre of government, supposedly for the purposes of peace. Dysfunction remains the typeset of the northern statelet accordingly – in perpetuity and regardless of elections.
Such is the nature of partition that it can be no other way. Such is its price – the means to afford it a false sense of normality – that instability can never be far from the surface. Our people deserve more than the sectarian failure bequeathed them by partition and herein lies the nub. For a workable resolution of the matters at hand, partition itself must be ended.
Ultimately, Stormont is the means through which partition rule in Ireland is upheld, serving as a bridgehead between British policy and Irish acquiescence to its terms. It stands, as such, as a bulwark against the realising of republican objectives. Another election to this reactionary entity will in no way alter that reality and it is incumbent that republicans take note. Stormont must go.
As such, the only election we are interested in is an all-Ireland election, where Stormont and partition are consigned to history. We hold that our ‘One Ireland One Vote’ proposal for a referendum on Irish Unity can set forth the pathway required. With that in mind, we invite the Irish public to reject Stormont, with this coming election, and to embrace instead that endeavour.
The 1916 Societies note the continuing political crisis in the Six Counties, which began with yet another in-house scandal at Stormont – over a botched energy-efficiency scheme – and has culminated since in the collapse of the Sinn Fein-DUP Coalition and the calling of new elections by British Secretary of State, James Brokenshire.
Our view is that the instability ongoing, with the elections that hope to manage it, reflect bankruptcy on the part of the Stormont project. Its fundamental lack of legitimacy – born of the partition system itself – ensures that perpetual crisis, such as that before us, remains its defining feature. Those subject to the whims of this failed set-up deserve better.
That Stormont is wholly unable to deliver at a time of deepening economic crisis – set only to be exacerbated by the impending arrival of Brexit – adds to the imperative that partition rule, of which Stormont is the lynchpin, give way to the all-Ireland republic. We cannot afford that another generation be held hostage to unworkable partition, whose design is to divide the Irish people that British rule can continue.
In reality, the elections in March will be a meaningless exercise as they cannot resolve the issues at heart – among them the bizarre duality of a political system that entrenches sectarianism at the centre of government, supposedly for the purposes of peace. Dysfunction remains the typeset of the northern statelet accordingly – in perpetuity and regardless of elections.
Such is the nature of partition that it can be no other way. Such is its price – the means to afford it a false sense of normality – that instability can never be far from the surface. Our people deserve more than the sectarian failure bequeathed them by partition and herein lies the nub. For a workable resolution of the matters at hand, partition itself must be ended.
Ultimately, Stormont is the means through which partition rule in Ireland is upheld, serving as a bridgehead between British policy and Irish acquiescence to its terms. It stands, as such, as a bulwark against the realising of republican objectives. Another election to this reactionary entity will in no way alter that reality and it is incumbent that republicans take note. Stormont must go.
As such, the only election we are interested in is an all-Ireland election, where Stormont and partition are consigned to history. We hold that our ‘One Ireland One Vote’ proposal for a referendum on Irish Unity can set forth the pathway required. With that in mind, we invite the Irish public to reject Stormont, with this coming election, and to embrace instead that endeavour.
‘These (Social) Philosophers Consider Mankind In Their Experiments No More Than They Do Mice In An Air-Pump. They Would Sacrifice The Whole Human Race To Their Experiments.’
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