Martin Mansergh is deeply committed to the peace process and
has been for almost as long as anyone can remember. Not without justification
he believes himself to have been one of the early architects responsible for
the current edifice. He has battled tenaciously to navigate it to a safe port
and away from the violent waves sometimes caused by peace process partners not
entirely committed to peaceful means. Martin
Mansergh is without question someone who has made a considerable emotional
investment in the peace process and is eager to defend it against all who might cause it some “inflight turbulence.”
Yet the peace process is not something that is restricted to
the securing of peace. It is also a political project strategically utilised by
Sinn Fein to fuel its expansionism across the island. It goes without saying
that the peace process has not always been a peaceful process, as the Northern
bank robbery revealed. The then Taoiseach, Bertie Ahern, when left with no option,
openly accused members of the Sinn Fein leadership of having prior knowledge of
that robbery. Prior to that, he had been given to claiming that when the IRA
spoke it was worthy of belief. It was of course arrant nonsense but underscored
the way in which the peace process at times has sought to stupefy the Irish
public.
It is important therefore not to frame the peace process in
a one dimensional optic, where it is only to be viewed as driven by the search
for peace and nothing else; and where those with serious misgivings about the
moral quagmire it spawns are smeared as enemies of the peace, their judgement
to be scorned and their own contributions to peace undermined because they are not
enamoured to the opacity or partisan instrumentality of the process.
It is axiomatic that the peace in the peace process be
protected. But that is no reason to protect the political careers of its main
beneficiaries. The process should be transparent and held up to public scrutiny
at all times. The figures at its centre should not be shielded. Imagine the
health of society had public scrutiny of Bertie Ahern’s financial affairs been
shelved on the grounds that he was a central figure in the peace process.
The peace process has become one of the Big Brothers of the
modern Irish era. No other project has demanded and received such intellectual
acquiescence, nor breathed such censorious fumes throughout political
discourse.
It is in such a context that we find Martin Mansergh, an
academic, arguing that the peace process be protected from academic research and hurling disparagement upon those who unlock non peaceful secrets. The
Boston College oral history project in this jaundiced view is simply without
merit because people not acquiescent in the myths of the peace process are
incapable of Mansergh’s much cherished deference of having “respect for your
betters.”
While the Boston College project was never about holding Gerry Adams to account it was very much about bringing to the surface knowledge from the republican subterranean world. And when Mansergh refers to “Adams’s past IRA association” it would be remiss of any historian to bury references to Adams out of concern for the peace process. While some concession should be made to Diarmaid Ferriter’s assertion that history retrieval and current affairs are separate strains, neither must it be insisted upon that they are mutually irreconcilable. History is yesterday and yesterday is current affairs.
Martin Mansergh seeks to strip authenticity from the
interviewees by labelling them as so embittered they would give testimony
against Adams via oral history. Why is whistle blowing admirable for garda but bitterness
for former members of the IRA? Does Mansergh think Gerry Adams should be
protected in a way that Alan Shatter should not?
Mansergh is right in arguing that the Boston College oral
archive was “commandeered by the PSNI.” Perhaps he should direct his ire its
way given that it not the Boston College researchers who arrested Gerry Adams.
And spare us the bull about the police only following the evidence. In the week that sees the 40th
anniversary of the Dublin Monaghan bombing there is no PSNI subpoena issued in
pursuit of documentation within the bowels of the British state security
apparatuses that would shed light on that horrific war crime.
Mansergh’s argument topples under the weight of its own
inconsistency when he suggests that the Good Friday Agreement amounted to a de
facto amnesty that should have precluded the arrest of Gerry Adams. He could
have vociferously flagged up his amnesty claims when Gerry McGeough, Seamus
Kearney and Bobby Rodgers were all convicted for offences supposedly amnestied.
Forgetting Pastor Niemöller’s words he waited until the
PSNI came for Gerry Adams.
Ultimately, what is going to protect intellectual
investigation from Martin Mansergh and the peace process?
great article. and lets not mention to mansergh that blair clinton etc are all colossal war criminals. lets pretend they are all great statesmen who care about ordinary people and things like 'peace'. and lets not mention ireland is a crucial cog in this global war on terror - shannon. peace mehole.
ReplyDeleteIrish Times: The returning of the Boston tapes
ReplyDeleteAs usual Ed you are spot on the ball. Let’s not forget that Mansergh was a poodle of Bertie and the less said about him the better.
ReplyDeleteBBC Spotlight: Not Going Away
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