Sean Bresnahan shares observations on republican strategy.

Under the British-Irish Agreement, the United Kingdom has committed to a ‘sovereign united Ireland’ in the event of a ‘Yes Vote’ border poll. Often confused with the Good Friday Agreement — a separate and earlier text agreed between parties in the Six Counties (though supervised by London and Dublin) — it is this lateral treaty in which the requirements for constitutional change in the North have been codified.

It should be noted that this treaty is a binding international agreement between two supposedly sovereign powers. It is also stand alone and will continue in force no matter what becomes of the Good Friday Agreement or its structures, which are currently threatened by the ‘Brexit’ withdrawal of Britain from the European Union.

None of this is without consequence for Irish Republicanism. For regardless our views as to the legitimacy of the above, it is this which will likely dictate whether a future United Ireland — our core objective — is to emerge. This is the current political reality.

In this sense, while the national rights of the Irish people should in no way depend on majority consent from the rank of a contrived gerrymander, in the event such a majority were arrived upon — something more likely at this point than previously imagined — it would be remiss, on our part, not to insist that Britain stand by what she has signed up to.

Whether agreeable to ourselves or not, this is the most likely path towards constitutional change at this time. It is important in this regard, then, that we be aware of as much and seek in turn to impact how all of this shapes and plays out. This need not require us to internalise the legitimacy of the process, its terms or parameters. Indeed we must ensure never to do so, as this is precisely what Britain has long hoped us to do.

Instead, while cognisant, yes, of political agreements that act upon constitutional realities, we must stand over the premise — to hold fast independent of the border poll process or anything further as yet to be concocted — that Britain has no democratic title to Ireland and should leave, allowing all of the Irish people to determine their own affairs — as is their basic right.

We must likewise be aware, though, that should a border poll be held and won it would give increased succour to the argument for a British withdrawal. While that does not mean we sign up to its virtue, or even that this is what will pass in such an event, this need not prevent us from acknowledging that reality.

In this sense, Republican strategy should be tied into a wider process than a mere border poll — one that sets out what is to unfold in the event of Irish Unity, rather than to arbitrate its underlying merit. This can run alongside any initiative that sets towards unity, coming to pass regardless of what political instrument gives rise to the same.

Critical here is not how unity is achieved but what form, in turn, it will take, with who will be authorised to determine that form being of paramount concern. Should Irish Unity be realised, the Irish people, freely and of themselves, should determine the Ireland they wish to live in. This should be so whether it proceeds via the terms of existing agreements or should it be effected by some other mechanism.

Should that be the position Republicanism stands over, we would avoid the internalising of Britain’s constitutional constraints while maintaining a capacity to adapt to changing circumstances — utilising such to better effect our fundamental aims and objectives, themselves found ultimately in the Irish Republic.

We must, though, deal in reality. Republicanism in its current state cannot hope to dictate the process of change. Rather, what we must aim toward is to exert maximal influence on those who will. Reaching the people through a direct campaign on Irish Unity is the best means before us in this regard. For if THEY want a Republic, as the one we imagine, then political decision-makers — at least in Ireland — will be forced to respond accordingly.

With Britain in the throes of a constitutional crisis, twinning with changes to the demographic fabric of the North, Republicanism needs to up its game. The damage that Brexit is certain to do Ireland renews the imperative that unity proceed. It is here at this critical time where the Republican effort must focus, with all means to advance as much on the table for consideration.

Sean Bresnahan blogs at An Claidheamh Soluis

Follow Sean Bresnahan on Twitter @bres79

Britain Must Stand — And Fall — By Agreements Of Her Own Making

Sean Bresnahan shares observations on republican strategy.

Under the British-Irish Agreement, the United Kingdom has committed to a ‘sovereign united Ireland’ in the event of a ‘Yes Vote’ border poll. Often confused with the Good Friday Agreement — a separate and earlier text agreed between parties in the Six Counties (though supervised by London and Dublin) — it is this lateral treaty in which the requirements for constitutional change in the North have been codified.

It should be noted that this treaty is a binding international agreement between two supposedly sovereign powers. It is also stand alone and will continue in force no matter what becomes of the Good Friday Agreement or its structures, which are currently threatened by the ‘Brexit’ withdrawal of Britain from the European Union.

None of this is without consequence for Irish Republicanism. For regardless our views as to the legitimacy of the above, it is this which will likely dictate whether a future United Ireland — our core objective — is to emerge. This is the current political reality.

In this sense, while the national rights of the Irish people should in no way depend on majority consent from the rank of a contrived gerrymander, in the event such a majority were arrived upon — something more likely at this point than previously imagined — it would be remiss, on our part, not to insist that Britain stand by what she has signed up to.

Whether agreeable to ourselves or not, this is the most likely path towards constitutional change at this time. It is important in this regard, then, that we be aware of as much and seek in turn to impact how all of this shapes and plays out. This need not require us to internalise the legitimacy of the process, its terms or parameters. Indeed we must ensure never to do so, as this is precisely what Britain has long hoped us to do.

Instead, while cognisant, yes, of political agreements that act upon constitutional realities, we must stand over the premise — to hold fast independent of the border poll process or anything further as yet to be concocted — that Britain has no democratic title to Ireland and should leave, allowing all of the Irish people to determine their own affairs — as is their basic right.

We must likewise be aware, though, that should a border poll be held and won it would give increased succour to the argument for a British withdrawal. While that does not mean we sign up to its virtue, or even that this is what will pass in such an event, this need not prevent us from acknowledging that reality.

In this sense, Republican strategy should be tied into a wider process than a mere border poll — one that sets out what is to unfold in the event of Irish Unity, rather than to arbitrate its underlying merit. This can run alongside any initiative that sets towards unity, coming to pass regardless of what political instrument gives rise to the same.

Critical here is not how unity is achieved but what form, in turn, it will take, with who will be authorised to determine that form being of paramount concern. Should Irish Unity be realised, the Irish people, freely and of themselves, should determine the Ireland they wish to live in. This should be so whether it proceeds via the terms of existing agreements or should it be effected by some other mechanism.

Should that be the position Republicanism stands over, we would avoid the internalising of Britain’s constitutional constraints while maintaining a capacity to adapt to changing circumstances — utilising such to better effect our fundamental aims and objectives, themselves found ultimately in the Irish Republic.

We must, though, deal in reality. Republicanism in its current state cannot hope to dictate the process of change. Rather, what we must aim toward is to exert maximal influence on those who will. Reaching the people through a direct campaign on Irish Unity is the best means before us in this regard. For if THEY want a Republic, as the one we imagine, then political decision-makers — at least in Ireland — will be forced to respond accordingly.

With Britain in the throes of a constitutional crisis, twinning with changes to the demographic fabric of the North, Republicanism needs to up its game. The damage that Brexit is certain to do Ireland renews the imperative that unity proceed. It is here at this critical time where the Republican effort must focus, with all means to advance as much on the table for consideration.

Sean Bresnahan blogs at An Claidheamh Soluis

Follow Sean Bresnahan on Twitter @bres79

12 comments:

  1. "changes to the demographic fabric of the North" - bit of a change coming in demographic fabric of south!!!!!! nobody seems to want to talk about it, well thats fair enuf too! project 2040 - end of ireland as we knew her sean. our kids will be minority in their classrooms in no time. not interested in any aul talk about united ireland anymore, sorry.

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  2. Mr. Grouch has made the 'salient' point. The key to the solution lies in the old phrase 'adversity makes strange bedfellows'
    All the more reason to ally the North and the South in the face of the appalling vista that we are facing courtesy of the depraved Quisling Establishment of the Fraud State.

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  3. Grouch

    Nice line in 'Birmingham, spot the white man' there!

    We all live in migratory, multi-ethnic societies. Get used to it!

    Sean

    The point that United Ireland campaigners have to take on board is that there is no single demos or unitary political community on the island of Ireland (nor is there in Northern Ireland which is why effective democratic governance will always be difficult ther

    e nor in Europe which is what Remainers like myself need also to recognise).

    There are two governmental units on the island each with its own dynamics and politico-civic culture. The only time when when the island of Ireland functioned as an effective political unit or entity was under the Act of Union 1801-1922. There is no precedent for the transfer of the people and territory of one liberal democracy to another. But this may happen in the future as the Republic of Ireland continues on its journey towards becoming a mature liberal democracy within the EU; a journey which will be assisted by the removal of the Eighth Amendment from Bunreacht na hEireann and the introduction of progressive abortion legislation. Northern Ireland would be left trapped as the most socially illiberal state in Western Europe in the toxicity of Brexit Britain. As Home Rule definitively ceases to be Rome Rule, Irish unity might just become a more attractive proposition for Northern Ireland.

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  4. One race: human. Onwards to the Republic.

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  5. sean, r u on drugs, i will give u the maths once more - one million new people here in last 20 years, another one million coming soon (we had population of 3.5 million in 1990s) and all u can come out with is - a globalist catchphrase. are u not aware of kalergi plan. are u not aware of the insane behaviour by young african gangs in west dublin - probably not becuz the media are suppressing it. this is the globalist agenda in action. seriously - we are being replaced by cheap migrant labour and its paddy and bridget who will be emigrating when economy goes bust - which it will and soon. it wont be muhammed (which was the most popular first name -i nearly said christian name!- here last year, believe it or not) it wont be umbongo and it wont be ayesha. ur not at the races on this one sean , nor do u appear to want to be. really, what is wrong with ye, that u wont even question the wisdom of this project 2040. when our kids are a minority in the classroom, the nativity play is banned from school for fear of offending other cultures, saints names removed from hospital wards for fear of offending other cultures and indeed religious holidays renamed for fear of offending other cultures, will u still be bleating - one race human onwards to the republic? imagine if u were told when we were voting for the masstricht treay that if it went through ireland would be transplanted with cheap migrant labour BY DIKTAT OF THE EU, would u have come out with one race human onwards to the republic. im all for a sensible immigration policy, but this is lunacy and not only lunacy a deliberate attempt to destroy the spiritual nation by the eu/globalists. are u not watching whats happening in sweden germany and italy and all other countries where kalergi plan is in operation. seriously, if someone of ur calibre can come out with a globalist catchphrase in light of the insane figures above, then i well and truly give up. sean, if they come at us in another three years and tell us to take another million - what will you say. are u aware IBEC and other politicians are asking us to embrace the idea of a population of TEN MILLION by 2050. with a falling birthrate and the same globalists trying to introduce abortion here, u will be well and truly a minority on ur own island when ur an old man - and ireland will be a total fucking kip. also, there are poles latvians and africans who want an end to immigration becuz they know whats coming here too - the end of their own security and are seriously wondering why the irish arent even raising a whimper against it. some think we're a joke and theyre not wrong. seriously, uve a lot to reconsider or u can just keep ur head buried in the sand bleating globalist catchphrases. this isnt immigration, nor is it even large scale immigration, it is complete demographic upheaval and the end of ireland. are u not aware soros is funding all this? onwards to the ghetto Sean. as for batty gilhooly - ive stopped reading ur comments again u whackjob.

    https://imgoat.com/uploads/2b32a1f754/56350.jpg

    http://www.thejournal.ie/ireland-population-forecast-1970782-Mar2015/

    and heres what was once my home and one of my favourite places with the finest people on earth

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=32FaO-iC6n0

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  6. Grouch and Seamus Darcy

    Do you ever stop to consider that the racism and xenophobia that you so frequently post is exactly what generations of Irish Catholic immigrants to the US and Britain had to face from nativists who feared being overrun in "their own country"?

    Do you ever reflect that the assertions of racial purity that you spout also motivated the expansion of the British Empire in the 19th century?

    To return to the issue at hand. The Government of Ireland Act which formally asserted the continuing British presence in the part of Ireland that did not secede from the UK was repealed as part of the GFA process in 1998 and the British government has formally declared that it has so selfish or strategic interest in NI. So the only barrier to a United Ireland is a lack of consent from a concurring majority of both tribal blocs in NI.

    Over to you, Sean.

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  7. batty gilhooly, haha, i am and come from a long line of people who took the boat. and im not into racial purity, as i said i am into sensible immigration policy - not the kalergi plan.

    i lived in brixton in 1988 and was nearly killed one night by a gang of young black thugs who mugged me (if im lying - God punish me forever) when i realised they had taken my watch (which was given to me as a present the day before) later, i went back down to find them (18 and full of drink) but thankfully they were gone. id be dead if they were still there

    i worked with indonesian muslims in sydney - finest people i ever met.

    i lived with one of the first black people in galway in 1999. a friend for life and i hope to visit him in ghana some day. he was actually the first person to warn us all about the nigerians - and in fact, his brother in law was robbed by them about a year later. i worked with africans for 8 years taxiing. u shud hear the way they bitch about each other! i live in the real world batty. u are an ivory tower academic who blows shit about ur phd in murdering babies. i wud rather be a racist xenophobe trannyphobe whateveraphobe than an educated fool like you who is campaigning for the destruction of irish children.

    now here are some hardcore dublin racists batty - go take them on if u dare!!!!!

    https://imgoat.com/uploads/2b32a1f754/56350.jpg

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  8. Grouch

    I do not doubt your friendships with non-white people and think what happened to you in Brixton was appalling.

    But these factors do not help to evidence your fears of 1m non-white immigrants coming to IreLand by 2040 not do they bolster your Jewish conspiracy theories and Shoah/Holocaust.

    Just so you know I do not have an academic post as the writing about the plight of Irish women with unwanted pregnancies hardly fitted the research agenda of UK PL


    Finally, the only thing that will change with the removal of the Eighth Amendment and the following legislation Is that Irish women will be availing of abortions in Ireland, not in England, and hopefully there will be less abortions due to proper pregnancy counselling, family planning and childcare services.

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  9. Grouch, you make the mistake of thinking these types of people rationalise this topic and treat anything you might advocate objectively.Unfortunately it’s not true, It’s just a power play on their part.

    You could be forgiven for thinking any debate on abortion necessarily factors in an evaluation of rape too, given the frequency the two topics are included together .Yet trying to evaluate the effects of immigration with respect to increased instances of assault rape is confirmation of Nazi/fascistic leanings.

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  10. we will export the 8th amendment all over the world comrade daithi. our great national saint we are celebrating today inspired generations of gaels to literally walk all over europe and set up monasteries. they were loved by the plain people of europe because they were unlike the nerdy corporate romans and always took the side of the poor and indeed put an end to confessing sins in public. we are the gaels. we will save our own children and children all over the world starting this may. we are the gaels and we are indomitable. we are mighty, we are mad with love, and we will slay the spineless trannylovers and babykillers this may in a beating they will never forget. the world needs the gaels now, not the paddys day irish twats. we are the gaels and we are rising. beannachtai na feile padraic diobh go leir.

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  11. Grouch, I like the contrast between the lyracism of your last comment and the starkness of the previous ones. I envy your optimism too, it seems to me Europeans have rendered themselves incapable of national debates of the type needed to examine such issues properly. Everything is reduced to an apparent argument between fascists and communists.

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  12. good man daithi. readers - do u want to go down in history as the generation that VOTED to destroy its own children, or do you want to be part of the generation that rebelled against CONSTANT media manipulation, CONSTANT political corruption and sent a message to its overlords that WE HAVE YOUR CARDS MARKED YOU DEMONS and our children are off limits.

    soros shilling takers - u have been warned. sinn fein the abortion party - u have been warned. get ready for the mother of all battles u creeps.

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